mittee in the House of Commons, respecting the manner in which the spiritual influences of that body of men had been abused, were quite sufficient to convince all, who are open to conviction, that to abandon the education of the people to their influence, would be to take the most effectual means for the severance of British connection. This salutary persuasion, we repeat it, was rapidly upon the increase. In many places the constituencies impressed upon their representatives the necessity of imposing some check upon the progress of Romish ambition. Various associations started up, and are, this moment, in active operation, having for their object the detection and exposure of the various expedients and subterfuges, and disguises, by which the grasping and dominant character of popery was manifested, even when it was attempted to be concealed. The education project, in particular, seemed likely to be subjected to a searching examination. The speech of the Bishop of Exeter during the last session, produced a great effect. Many noblemen opposed to him in politics, were convinced that a 'system chargeable with the grave abuses which he so powerfully detailed, was not calculated to produce any other than a most unhappy effect upon the character of the Irish people. Thus, all things were working together for good. Light was every day breaking in upon the legislature, by which, sooner or later, they must be thoroughly enlightened; and a little more of steady perseverance on the part of the Irish clergy, in their opposition to a system which could be only fruitful of demoralization and sedition, seemed all that was necessary to produce that salutary reaction in public opinion, from which upon that particular subject, the most desirable results might be expected. Is it not, therefore, to be lamented that the apple of discord should be thrown amongst the Irish clergy, just then when unanimity was most to be desired, and that a pernicious project of deceptive liberality should receive the sanction of respected names, just then when the weak, and the wavering, and the corrupt, were desirous of some excuse for retreating from a position, which they had felt themselves called upon to occupy, as churchmen and as Christians. And here we would have concluded, had not a new document made its appearance, which exhibits, under a new and a more suspicious phase, the con

duct, of some of our brethren in the north of Ireland. We were led to believe, from the first manifesto put forward with so much apparent modesty by the Derry committee, that, if the clergy in general throughout Ireland dissented from it, it would be withdrawn. Nor were we singular in our opinion. That able paper, the Dublin Record, has given expression to a similar persuasion :

"Any one reading their official document must have imagined that they had not the remotest idea of acting an isolated part in the transaction, but that they would have deferred to the opinion of their clerical brethren, as soon as that opinion should have been obtained."

Well-that opinion has been ob tained, and it is decidedly against the Derry proposal. The clergy of Ireland, amid all their sufferings, have nobly vindicated themselves from the suspicion of affording any countenance, direct or indirect, to a proposition which would have made them consenting parties to a measure which would have handed over the education of the population of Ireland to the Most Rev. Peter Dens Murray, and his popish, and infidel, and latitudinarian colleagues. But our Derry brethren are not only not convinced by what has been done, of the inexpediency of their proposal, and of the mischief of, at the present moment, sowing divisions amongst the clergy, but they have issued another manifesto, reiterating their proposition, and treating with the most contemptuous indifference the almost universal dissent from it of the rest of their brethren in Ireland. When it was doubtful how it would be received, they were modest and humble; when that is no longer doubtful, they are confident and proud, and seemingly willing, themselves alone, to take their stand beside the Education Board, and to aid in giving permanence to a system, which, we confidently pronounce, is the greatest curse that has ever been inflicted upon the country.

But if the arrogance of these gentlemen has surprised us, their ignorance has surprised us still more. It seems that it is only very recently that they have been led to suppose that there were any who suspected that education, divorced from religious instruction, was an evil rather than a good. This displays a want of reflection, a want of information, or a want of honesty, greatly to be deplored, in a body of

other cause.

The tables on which these maps are founded, drawn from the laborious returns which the French government have obtained from all the departments of their empire, are so important, and so utterly fatal to the whole school of intellectual cultivation, that we make no apology for transcribing them in a note for the information of our readers." (There is a note appended to this passage stating, that the editor has been obliged to leave out the tables-an omission which, considering their critical importance at the present crisis, in so widely extended a work as Blackwood's Magazine, is exceedingly to be deplored.) "With truth does the liberal but candid Mr. Bulwer add, Mr. Guerry bowls down at once all the nine pins with which late statistical writers have been amusing themselves, and again sets up many of the old notions, which from their very antiquity, were out of vogue.""

Nothing but want of space prevents us from enlarging, by references to America, and to other countries, the proof, that mischief, rather than benefit, is to be expected from any system of literary instruction, in which man's moral nature is neglected. The Derry gentlemen make a general allusion to countries under a despotic form of government, as proving the converse of the proposition for which we contend; but they adduce no details in corroboration of their views; and even if they did, they could prove nothing to the purpose-because the experiment could not be fairly tried in despotic countries, where external constraint may often compensate the deficiency of internal principle, and where men may be compelled to cease to do evil, although they would not of themselves have been inclined to do well.

That a great deal of instruction, not tending to any useful end, is at present afforded in the country, is most true, and true it is, that we cannot prevent it. But we may, at least, avoid being responsible for it; and its very existence is the very reason why we should be more than usually energetic in setting forth the advantages of that more complete system of instruction which it is our privilege to know and to value in such a way as may best exhibit our decided opinion of its superior advantages.

What, then, would we have the friends of the best interests of Ireland to do, in the present critical emergency? We think there is but one safe course, and that, we have clearly indicated in

The

the preceding pages. They should fall back upon "The Association for Discountenancing Vice." They should make that, and not the Kildare-place system their Torres Vedras in the approaching contest. The truth is, that infinite mischief has arisen from the folly (so epidemic amongst even excellent people of late years,) of coaxing the people to be instructed. same sort of solicitation has been employed by benevolent men, to induce them to suffer their children to attend the various schools which Christian zeal has established in the country, that is, had recourse to by those who are candidates for their votes at contested elections. And the consequence has been, that they have been led to ascribe the same kind of interested motives to exertions of the one kind, as might very fairly be attributed to exertions of the other. This has caused a prejudice against the very thing which they were desirous of recommending; and any desire of edu cation which might have been awakened amongst the people, has been accompanied by a suspicion of the instrumentality by which it is sought to be dif fused. This suspicion is, of course, not discountenanced by the Romish clergy; and thus, superstition comes in to aid their distrust, and many of the poor people are led to believe, that, to consent to receive instruction upon the terms upon which it might be imparted to them in many of our schools, would be little short of the guilt of selling their souls to the arch enemy. Now, it is our persuasion, that any violent assault upon a prepossession like this, would only, for the present, aggravate the evil. It is an impression which can only be removed by time, and by exhibiting, steadily and perseveringly, the advantages of the system which they are taught to regard with so much abhorrence. And we appeal to facts for the proof, that much was. doing, and much is doing, in this quiet and unostentatious way, to win their confidence and excite their gratitude, and induce them to accept, with thankfulness, the education that has been provided for them by our Church of England Association. They felt, that it was not only given freely, without money and without price, but, that no unfair means were employed to interfere with their religious opinions; and their respect for and attachment to the system, which thus provided them with useful knowledge, while that knowledge

was only communicated in an atmosphere medicated, as it were, by the divine word, increased with their experience of its manifold advantages.

Once only was the voice of calumny raised against it. Mr. O'Connell was led, by some misstatement which appeared, to denounce it, as though it was unfaithful to its pledges, and did interfere with the religious principles of the Roman Catholic pupils, in such a way as might justly excite the suspicions and the hostility of the members of the church of Rome. The Association felt themselves immediately called upon to repel this false accusation. Legal proceedings were forthwith taken against the demagogue, who, when he found that his charges could not be sustained, had the good sense to contradict them as publicly as they were made, and consented to pay the costs of any proceedings which the Association had taken, upon the understanding that they would be satisfied with the atonement that had been made, and not proceed in the business any further.

This, therefore, is the system upon which we would earnestly advise the enlightened friends of education in this country now to fall back; it is really the only one that can meet the present evils. Compromise has been tried long enough, and it has failed. Yea, it has only served to provoke and to increase the exorbitant and grasping demands of those, who will never be satisfied with any thing that is given, while any thing is withheld; to whom, in fact, concession is but an argument and a motive for encroachment; and who, indeed, argue, not unreasonably, that those who have, already, in their desire to conciliate, gone so far, have abandoned the only ground upon which they could safely stand in refusing to go any farther.

We entertain no fears that the Derry proposal will find many advocates amongst the spiritually enlightened Protestants of Ireland. The clergy in general have loudly expressed their dissent. They will, as a body, never give their consent to any system of national instruction which does not proceed upon the admission of this truth, that "the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wis

dom." They can have no reliance upon any wisdom which has not its beginning in the fear of the Lord. They know very well that mere brute intelligence may be quickened, by culture, into a subtlety even surpassing the subtlety of the serpent. But such wisdom is earthly, sensual, devilish, and can only give additional power to the unmitigated depravity of our fallen

nature.

Above all things, they will never formally abandon their poor, benighted, Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen, to the uncontrolled despotism of their spiritual tyrants. Let the Derry proposal be agreed to, and one important function of the Established Church becomes forthwith paralysed. The clergy have, hitherto, held themselves ready to give, to every man who enquires of them, a reason for the faith that is in them. If an intelligent Roman Catholic child should now ask of any one who signed that recommendation for assistance to enable him to struggle out of the slough of popery, he must feel bound, by his own principle, to refer him to the priest for guidance, and might be fairly charged with want of good faith, if he aided in enabling him to dissipate his delusion. How can he, in such a case, fulfil his ordination vow, which requires of him to be always ready "to banish and drive away all erroneous and strange doctrine, contrary to God's word?" But we will not suppose, even for a single moment, that such a project will be entertained, which would confirm, and render almost irreversible, one of the most pernicious compacts ever entered into between a wicked or deluded government, and a hood-winked people. What the end may be we know not.

The issues of things are not in our power. But this we well know, that the present is a case in which there is no halting between two opinions; in which it may be truly said, all those who are not for scriptural instruction, are against it; and respecting which every Protestant, who values sound doctrine or religious liberty, should say, from his inmost soul, away with it-it has the mark of the beast upon it "as for me and my house we will serve the Lord."