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friend, thc Westminster Reviewer, he, it must We say, that those who hold this principle be owned, has as good a right as any man on to be sound, must be prepared to maintain, his side, “Antoni gladios contemnere.” But take either that monarchs and aristocracies may be the man whose votes, ever since he has sate trasted to govern the community, or else that in Parliament, have been the most uniformly men cannot be trusted to follow their own inte bad, and oppose him to the man whose votes rest, when that interest is demonstrated to have been the most uniformly good. The them. Westminster Reviewer would probably select We say, that if men cannot be trusted to Mr. Sadler and Mr. Hume. Now, does any follow their own interest, when that interest rational man think,-will the Westminster Re- has been demonstrated to them, then the Utili viewer himself say,—that Mr. Sadler runs tarian arguments, in favour of universal sut: more risk of coming to a miserable end, on frage, are good for nothing. account of his public conduct, ihan Mr. Hume? say, that the "greatest happiness prin. Mr. Sadler does not know that he is not close ciple” has not been proved; that it cannot be on the moment when he will be made an ex generally proved; that even in the particular ample of; for Mr. Sadler knows, if possible, cases selected by the Reviewer it is not clear less about the future than about the past. But that the principle is true; and that many cases he has no more reason to expect that he shall might be stated in which the common sense be made an example of, than to expect that of mankind would at once pronounce it to be London will be swallowed up by an earthquake false. next spring; and it would be as foolish in him We now leave the Westminster Revierer to act on the former supposition as on the to alter and amend his “magnificent principle" latter. There is a risk; for there is a risk of as he thinks best. Unlimited, it is false. Proevery thing which does not involve a contra- perly limited, it will be barren. The “

"greatest diction; but it is a risk from which no man in happiness principle” of the 1st of July, as far his wits would give a shilling to be insured. as we could discern its meaning through a Yet our Westminster Reviewer tells us, that cloud of rodomontade, was an idle truism. this risk alone, apart from all considerations The "greatest happiness principle” of the 1s: of religion, honour, or benevolence, would, of October is, in the phrase of the American as a matter of mere calculation, induce a wise newspapers, “important is true.'* But unba;member of the House of Commons to refuse pily it is not true. It is not our business o any emoluments which might be offered him conjecture what new maxim is to make the as the price of his support lo pernicious mea. bones of sages and patriots sir on the Ist of

December. We can only say, that, unless it We have hitherto been cxamining cases be something infinitely more ingenious than proposed by our opponent. It is now our turn its two predecessors, we shall leave it unnoto propose one, and we beg that he will spare lested. The Westminster Reviewer may, is no wisdom in solving it.

he pleases, indulge himself like Sultag SchahA thief is condemned to be hanged. On riar, with espousing a rapid succession of The eve of the day fixed for the execution, a virgin theories. But we must beg to be ex. rirnkey enters his cell, and tells him that all is cused from playing the part of the vizier, who safe, that he has only to slip out, that his friends regularly attended on the day after the wedding are waiting ir, the neighbourhood with disguises, to strangle the new sultana. and that a passage is taken for him in an Ame- The Westminster Reviewer charges us rih rican packet. Now, it is clearly for the great. urging it as an objection to the “greates: hay est happiness of society that the thief should piness principle,” that, “it is included in the be hanged, and the corrupt turnkey exposed Christian morality." This is a mere fiction of and punished. Will the Westminster Reviewer his own. We never attacked the morality of tell us, that it is for the greatest happiness of the gospel. We blamed the Utilitarian for the thief to summon the head jailer, and tell claiming the credit of a discovery, when they the whole story? Now, either it is for the had merely stolen thai morality, and speiled it greatest happiness of the thief to be hanged, in the stealing: They have taken the preceri or it is not. If it is, then the argument, by of Christ, and left the motive; and they de. which the Westminsier Reviewer attempts to mand the praise of a most wonderful and beneprove, that men do not promote their own hap- ficial invention, when all that they have done piness by thieving, falls to the ground. If it is has been to make a most useful maxim useless not, then there are men whose greatest happi- by separating it from its sanction. On reliness is at variance with the greatest happiness gious principles, it is true that every individnal of the community.

will best promote his own happiness by pro To sum up our arguments shortly, we say, moting the happiness of others. But if rethat the "greatest happiness principle," as now ligious considerations be left out of the ques. saled, is diametrically opposed to the prin- tion, it is not true. If we do not reason on the ciple staied in the Westminster Review three supposition of a future state, where is the mo. months ago.

tive? If we do reason on that supposition, We say, that if the "greatest happiness where is the discovery? principle," as now stated, be sound, Mr. Mill's The Westminster Reviewer tells us, that Essay, and all other works concerning govern- “ we wish to see the science of goveroment ment, which, like that escay, proceed on the unsettled, because we see no prospect of a supposition, that individuals may have an in- settlement which accords with our interests terest opposed to the greatest happiness of His angry eagerness to have questions settled society, aro fundamentally erroneous.

resembles that of a judge in one of Dryden's

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plays-the Amphitryon, we think-who wishes , ex officio informations. When we blanied to decide a cause alter hearing only one pariy, them for talking nonsense, ley cried out that and when he has been at last compelled to they were insulted for being reformers, just listen to the statement of the defendani, flies as poor Ancient Pistol swore that the scars into a passion, and exclaims, “There now, which he had received from the cudgel of sir! see what you have done. The case was Fluellen were got in the Gallia wars. We, quite clear a minute ago; and you must come however, did not think it desirable to mix up and puzzle it!” He is the zealot of a seci. political questions, about which the public We are searchers after truth. He wishes to mind is violently agitated, with a great prohave the question settled. We wish to have it blem in moral philosophy. sisted first. The querulous manner in which Our notions about government are not, howwe have been blamed for attacking Mr. Mill's ever, altogether unsettled. We have an opi. system, and propourding no system of our nion about parliamentary reform, though we own, reminds us of the horror with which that have not arrived at that opinion by the royal shallow dogmatist, Epicurus, the worst parts road which Mr. Mill has opened for ihe exof whose nonsense the Utilitarians have al- plorers of political science. As we are taking tempted to revive, shrank from the keen and leave, probably for the last time, of this consearching scepticism of the second Academy. troversy, we will state very concisely what ons

It is not our fault that an experimental doctrines are. On some future occasion we science of vast extent does no! admit of being may, perhaps, explain and defend thein al settled by a short demonstration ;—that the length. subtilty of nature, in the moral as in the phy. Our fervent wish; and, we will add, our sansical world, triumphs over the subtilty of syllo- guine hope, is, that we may see such a reform gism. The quack who declares on affidavit in the House of Commons as may render its that, by using his pills, and attending to his votes the express image of the opinion of the printed direciions, hundreds who had been middle orders of Britain. A pecuniary qualidismissed incurable from the hospitals have fication we think absolutely necessary; and in renewed their youth like the eagles, may, per- seitling its amount, our object would be to haps, think that Sir Henry Halford, when he draw ihe line in such a manner that every feels the pulses of patients, inquires about their decent farmer and shopkeeper might possess symptoms, and prescribes a different remedy | the elective franchise. We should wish to see to each, is unsettling the science of medicine an end put to all the advantages which rarii for the sake of a fee.

cular forms of property possess over other If, in the course of this controversy, we have forins, and particular portions of property orer refrained from expressing any opinion respect other equal pcrtions. And this would content ing the political institutions of England, it is us. Such a reform would, according 10 Mr. not because we have not an opinion, or be- Mill, establish an aristocracy of wealth, and cause we shrink from avowing it. The Ulili- leave the community without protection, anu tarians, indeed, conscious that their boasted exposed to all the evils of unbridled power. theory of government would not bear investi- Most willingly would we stake the whole congation, were desirous to turn the dispute about troversy between us on the success of the ex. Mr. Mill's Essay into a dispute about the whig | periment which we propose. party, rotten boroughs, unpaid magistrates, and

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THE EARL OF CHATHAM."

(EDINBURGH REVIEW FOR OCTOBER, 1844.]

More than ten years ago we commenced a ing a government to which a revolution had sketch of the political life of the great Lord given being. Both came by degrees lo attach Chatham.t We then stopped at the death of more importance to the means than to the George the Second, with the intention of speed- end. Both were thrown into unnatural situa. ily resuming ous task. Circumstances which tions; and both, like animals transported to it would be tedious to explain, long prevented an uncongenial climate, languished and de. us from carrying this intention into effect. Nor generated. The Tory, removed from the sun. can we regret the delay. For the materials shine of the court, was as a camel in the which were within our reach in 1834 were snows of Lapland. The Whig, basking in the scanty and unsatisfactory, when compared with rays of royal favour, was as a reindeer in the those which we at present possess. Even now, sands of Arabia. though we have had access to some valuable Dante tells us that he saw, in Malebolge, a sources of information which have not yet been strange encounter between a human form and opened to the public, we cannot but feel that a serpent. The enemies, after cruel wounds the history of the first ten years of the reign of inflicted, stood for a time glaring on each other. George the Third is but imperfectly known to A great cloud surrounded them, and then a us. Nevertheless, we are inclined to think I wonderful metamorphosis began. Each creathat we are in a condition to lay before our ture was transfigured into the likeness of its readers a narrative neither uninstructive nor antagonist. The serpent's tail divided itself uninteresting. We therefore return with plea- into two legs; the man's legs intertwined them. sure to our long interrupted labour.

selves into a tail. The body of the serpent We left Pitt in the zenith of prosperity and put forth arms; the arms of the man shrank glory, the idol of England, the terror of France, into his body. At length the serpent stood up the admiration of the whole civilized world. a man, and spake; the man sank down a The wind, from whatever quarter it blew, serpent, and glided hissing away. Something carried to England tidings of battles won, for- like this was the transformation which, during tresses taken, provinces added to the empire. the reign of George the First, befell the two At home, factions had sunk into a lethargy, English parties. Each gradually took the shape such as had never been known since the great and colour of its foe; till at length the Tory religious schism of the sixteenth century had rose up erect the zealot of freedom, and the roused the public mind from repose.

Whig crawled and licked the dust at the feet In order that the events which we have to of power. relate may be clearly understood, it may be It is true that, when these degenerate politie desirable that we should advert to the causes cians discussed questions merely speculative, which had for a time suspended the animation and, above all, when they discussed questions of both the great English parties.

relating to the conduct of their own grandIf, rejecting all that is merely accidental, we fathers, they still seemed to differ as their look at the essential characteristics of the grandfathers had differed. The Whig, who Whig and the Tory, we may consider each of during three Parliaments had never given one them

as the representative of a great principle, vote against the court, and who was ready to essential to the welfare of nations. One is, sell his soul for the Comptroller's staff, or for in an especial manner, the guardian of liber- the Great Wardrobe, still professed to draw ty, and the other, of order. One is the moving his political doctrines from Locke and Milton, power, and the other the steadying power of still worshipped the memory of Pym and the state. One is the sail, without which Hampden, and would still, on the thirtieth of society would make no progress; the other January, take his glass, first to the man in the the ballasi, without which there would be mask, and then to the man who would do it small safety in a tempest. But, during the without a mask. The Tory, on the other hand, forty-six years which followed the accession while he reviled the mild and temperate Wal. of the house of Hanover, these distinctive pole as a deadly enemy of liberty, could sec peculiarities seemed to be effaced. The Whig nothing to reprobate in the iron tyranny of conceived that he could not better serve the Stafford and Laud. But, whatever judgment cause of civil and religious freedom than by the Whig or the Tory of that age might prostrenuously supporting the Protestant dynasty. nounce on transactions long past, there can The Tory conceived that he could not better be no doubt that, as respected the practical prove his hatred of revolutions than by attack questions then pending, the Tory was a re

former, and indeed an intemperate and inCorrespondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. discreet reformer, whi'e the Whig was con4 vols. 8vo. London, 1840.

servative even to bigotry. We have ourselves Letters of Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford, lo Sir Horace seen similar effects produced in a neighbour Mann. 4 vols. 8vo. London, 1843-4. + See page 238.

ing country by similar causes. Whc woulit

bave believed, ufteen years ago, that M. Guizot generally succeeds to morbid excitement. The and M. Villemain would have to defend pro- people had been maddened by sophistry, by perty and social order against the Jacobinical calumny, by rhetoric, by stimulants applied to attacks of such enemies as M. Genoude and the national pride. In the fulness of bread, M. de La Roche Jaquelin ?

they had raved as if famine had been in the Thus the successors of the old Cavaliers land. While enjoying such a measure of civil had turned demagogues; the successors of and religious freedom as, till then, no great the old Roundheads had turned courtiers. Yet society had ever known, they had cried out for was it long before their mutual animosity a Timoleon or a Brutus to stab their oppres. began to abate; for it is the nature of parties sors to the heart. They were in this frame of o retain their original enmities, far more firm- mind when the change of administration took y than their original principles. During many place; and they soon found that there was lo jears, a generation of Whigs whom Sidney be no change whatever in the syste.n of ge vould have spurned as slaves, continued to vernment. The natural consequences followvage deadly war with a generation of Tories ed. To frantic zeal succeeded sullen indiffer. vhom Jefferies would have hanged for re-ence. The cant of patriotism had not merely publicans.

ceased to charm the public ear, but had become Through the whole reign of George the First, as nauseous as the cant of Puritanism after and through nearly half of the reign of George the downfall of the Rump. The hot fit was the Second, a Tory was regarded as an enemy over: the cold fit had begun: and it was long of the reigning house, and was excluded from before seditious arts, or even real grievances, all the favours of the crown. Though most could bring back the fiery paroxysm which of the country gentlemen were Tories, none had run its course, and reached its termination. but Whigs were created peers and baronets. Two attempts were made to disturb this Though most of the clergy were Tories, none tranquillity. The banished heir of the house but Whigs were created deans and bishops. In of Stuart headed a rebellion; the discontented every county opulent and well-descended Tory heir of the house of Brunswick headed an opsquires complained that their names were left position. Both the rebellion and the opposition out of the commission of the peace; while came to nothing. The battle of Culloden anmen of small estate and mean birth, who were nihilated the Jacobite party; the death of for toleration and excise, septennial parlia- Prince Frederic dissolved the faction which, ments and standing armies, presided at quarter under his guidance, had feebly striven to an. sessions, and became deputy lieutenants. noy his father's government. His chief fol.

By degrees some approaches were made lowers hastened to make their peace with the owards a reconciliation. While Walpole was ministry; and the political torpor became at the head of affairs, emnity to his power complete. induced a large and powerful body of Whigs, Five years after the death of Prince Freheaded by the heir-apparent of the throne, to deric, the public mind was for a time violently make an alliance with the 'Tories, and a truce excited. But this excitement had nothing to even with the Jacobites. After Sir Robert's do with the old disputes between Whigs and fall, the ban which lay on the Tory party was Tories. England was at war with France. taken off. The chief places in the administra- The war had been seebly conducted. Minorca tion continued to be filled by Whigs, and, had been torn from us. Our fleet had retire ! indeed, could scarcely have been filled other before the white flag of the House of Bourbo wise; for the Tory nobility and gentry, though A bitter sense of humiliation, new to the strong in numbers and in property, had among proudest and bravest of nations, superseded them scarcely a single man distinguished by every other feeling. The cry of all the coun. talents, either for business or for debate. A ties and great towns of the realm was for a few of them, however, were admitted to sub- government which would retrieve the honour ordinate offices; and this indulgence produced of the English arms. The two most powerful a softening effect on the temper of the whole men in the country were the Duke of New. body. The first levee of George the Second castle and Pitt. Alternate victories and deafter Walpole's resignation was a remarka- feats had made them sensible that neither of ble spectacle. Mingled with the constant sup- them could stand alone. The interests of the porters of the house of Brunswick, with the state, and the interests of their own ambition, Russells, the Cavendishes, and the Pelhams, impelled them to coalesce. By their coalition appeared a crowd of faces utterly unknown to was formed the ministry which was in power the pages and gentlemen-ushers, lords of rural when George the Third ascended the throne. manors, whose ale and fox-hounds were re- The more carefully the structure of this nownec in the neighbourhood of the Mendip celebrated ministry is examined, the more hills, or round the Wrekin, but who had never shall we see reason to marvel at the skill or crossed the threshold of the palace since the the luck which had combined in one harmodays when Oxford, with the white staff in his nious whole such various and, as it seemed, hand, stood behind Queen Anne.

incompatible elements of force. The influence During the eighteen years which followed which is derived from stainless integrity, the this day, both factions were gradually sinking influence which is derived from the vilest arts deeper and deeper into repose. The apathy of of corruption, the strength of aristocratical :he public mind is partly to be ascribed to the connection, the strength of democratical enthu. unjust violence with which the administration siasm, all these ihings were for the first time of Walpole had been assailed. In the body found together. Newcastle brought to the vclitic, as in the natural body, morbid languor Icoalition a vast mass of power, which had

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