Herzegovina. The programme of political nationalism would combine these areas into a greater Serbia under the present Serbian ruling house. The Montenegrin king is naturally reluctant to surrender his dynastic prerogative, and is said, in spite of his acquiescence, to be flirting with Austrian nuntios. The Berlin-Buda-Pesth financiers, again, and the promoters of Mittel-Europa, cannot imaginably relax their grip on Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the conduct of the Hungarian rulers toward their Slavonic subjects Prussianism had a perfect incarnation. This conduct is to be sharply distinguished from that of the Austrians toward their Slavonic fellow-citizens. The former is far more a model of frightfulness than Prussia in Alsace and Lorraine; the latter manifested the wise statesmanship that distinguished England's relations, since the Boer war, to her dependencies. Francis Ferdinand, the murdered archduke, planned to extend the Austrian policy to the whole of the Dual Kingdom. Rumor will not down that his murder was arranged in Berlin and Buda in order to prevent the

federal coördination of all the nationalities in the empire, a coördination which would have made the way toward Mittel-Europa a difficult one indeed, and would have deprived the politico-nationalist Serbo-Croats of their most dynamic motive. The present emperor, it happens, is even more set upon this coördination than the late Archduke. His plans and hopes, neither suit junker Germany nor nationalist Slav. His plans and hopes, however, whether through selfinterest or intelligence, are in harmony with the geographical and economic determinants of the fate of all the nationalities herein involved, the independent states of Serbia and Montenegro included. These states have undergone wars for the sake of railways and access to the sea. Those desirables, and many more, may come to their people by a political union with AustriaHungary. Such a union would be a violation of the formula "no annexation"; but if it is a union on a democratic basis, under effective guarantees, it becomes as true that Austria is annexed to them, as they to it. Such guarantees, however, require a rad

ical change in the constitution of the Dual Monarchy, a great easement upon its sovereignty. They would need profoundly to alter the incidence of taxation, the scope of suffrage, and the conditions of cultural and religious organization. Even with the very desirable creation of the wished-for Greater Serbia as a part of the new Austrian Commonwealth of politically equal nationalities, the guarantees could not be merely written into the law of the land alone. To be effective, they would have to be trans-national, enforcible by international intervention. Prescription is futile without enforcement, as the notorious example of the muchchastened and newly enlightened Rumania shows. Under the provisions of the treaty of Berlin which established this dynastic and landlord-ridden state (now striving nobly and with heroic effort toward democracy, economic as well as political), Jews, on whom the Rumanian political mediævalism bore even harder than on the Rumanian peasant, were to be established in citizenship equally with their fellowcountrymen. Rumanian legislation ren

dered these provisions completely nugatory. The taboo on "interference in a state's internal affairs" kept the Jews from appeal and redress. The Jewish minority was and is completely at the mercy of the nonJewish majority. The war has led the Rumanian government of its own motion. to plan to remove this tragic injustice, but had there existed an international authority with power to enforce its verdicts, to which the minority or the powerless could have appealed, the history not only of the Jews but of the downtrodden peasants of Rumania might have been otherwise written.

In a readjustment such as the basic needs of their peoples show as wisest for AustriaHungary and her Slavic subjects and Slavic rivals, the lesson is obvious. The geographically and economically defined administrative area which may be the state of AustriaHungary-Serbia, would be much larger than the original. The state would be a democratic coöperative commonwealth of nationalities with their social and cultural differences strengthened and enhanced by their economic and political unity. To

secure this, however, to turn what is written as a law into what is practised as a life would require a superior authority to which endangered minorities could appeal and from which they might actually get justice.

As with Austria-Hungary, so with Russia and her constituent nationalities, with Turkey and hers, with France and AlsaceLorraine, with the other Balkan states. The chief problem in a readjustment that shall be advantageous to the masses of men rather than to political or economic hegemonies and other vested interests is the problem of creating a machinery that shall effectively safeguard the rights of minority nationalities to life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Without such a machinery exclusive sovereignties, and wars, are inevitable. With it the nullification of international obligations becomes in the long run impossible, and the whole political programme based on the present statesystem irrelevant. The quarrels will fall to the ground that have arisen among Poles over dragooning the unwilling Galicians, who have in recent years been perfectly