ism were betrayed. By that vote all Germans share the obloquy and responsibility of their government for thrusting civil war upon civilization. But they share it also for its treachery and cruelty in the conduct of the war. They share it because their representatives in the Reichstag raised at no time and under no circumstance any significant voice against the policy of "frightfulness" of the political and military leaders. That not even the dissident among the Socialists uttered such a protest is testimony to the extraordinary grip of the government upon the fears and hopes of its subjects.

Its grip on their fears is obvious enough. Its grip on their hopes would have been impossible without its thoroughgoing and programmatic use of the nation's educational system for its own especial purposes. By its almost absolute control over education, a control the only parallel for which is that exercised by the priesthood over the Catholic's education, the government succeeded in keeping the people of Germany subjects of a dynasty when they should have

been citizens of a state. By virtue of its control of education the German government is a cause of the iniquity of the German people, instead of one among other constituents in that iniquity. According to some thinkers, its control of education makes it the chief, if not the only, cause. Now the elimination of this causal power from the government of Germany is the second of the two sets of considerations in the financial readjustments between that government and the democracies of the Entente. This set of considerations demands the annihilation - in fact, only a little more in Germany than elsewhereof governmental control of education. Annihilation may be accomplished in two ways. First, educational institutions can be rendered completely autonomous (a consummation devoutly to be desired everywhere) at home. Secondly, as many as possible of the German youth can be educated abroad.

For the second method the democratic use of indemnities offers precedent. The precedent derives from the relations be

tween the Western powers and China, and its application - in the form established by the United States to their relations with Germany cannot but be liberal and liberating. When the Western powers exacted from the quite helpless Chinese government and people indemnities for the damage done by the Boxer rebellion of which this government and people was a victim even more than they, the United States alone, of all the powers, directed the application of its share to defraying the expenses of educating young Chinese in America. Let the democratic powers follow this precedent with regard to the government of Germany. Let the terms. of peace require that one young German out of every thousand, both men and women, shall from his or her twelfth year on be educated abroad in the United States, in England, in France, in Italy, or in Russia. An indemnity should be required to defray the cost of so educating the new generation. The money of this indemnity ought not, however, to be raised by taxes from the German people. It ought to consist of a

trust-fund, created by confiscating all the properties of the royal families of Germany, and of the great German landlord class, the junkers. This trust might be held and administered by an international educational commission for the good of mankind.

There are certain desirable extensions of this procedure to other governments that I shall discuss in connection with the organization of peace. At present I am concerned only with its influence on the mental set of the government and people of Germany. An indemnity so specified as the foregoing should be satisfactory to liberals as well as conservatives in the matter of war-settlements. It obviously can work no injustice upon the people of Germany. Rather is it a service to them, deriving as it does, not from taxation, but from the appropriation to public use of the property of their exploiters and masters. It is bound to set them free from one of the most potent instrumentalities of this mastership. Upon the minds of the masters, on the other hand, it is bound to impress the fact that they

have been whipped in the only language that they, like bullies everywhere, are capable of understanding. It is bound to go a long way toward converting the bully into a peaceful citizen, for the expropriation of the propertied classes cuts the ground from under their arrogance. While, again, participation, through its educated men, in the life and labor of other peoples, leads the citizenry of a land to respect and understanding for these others.