nameless poor who first hammered out for himself an iron spade," the nameless poor already had a considerable place in historical literature. Carlyle wished to enlarge it. "From of old," the historian had, he protested, too often "dwelt with disproportionate fondness in senate houses, in battle fields, nay, even in king's antechambers," forgetful of the rest of the world, "blossoming and fading whether the 'famous victory' were won or lost." A different and higher conception was now expected, and there were signs of a time coming "when he who sees no world but that of courts and camps, and writes only how soldiers were drilled and shot, and how this ministerial conjurer outconjured that other . . will pass for a more or less instructive gazetteer, but will no longer be called an historian." 1

If these brave words were forgotten in Carlyle's later work, and if he wrote, after 1840, precisely the kind of history which he had condemned in 1830, Macaulay was more consistent. The perfect historian sketched by Macaulay in his essay on History, published in 1828, "shows us the court, the camp, and the senate. But he shows us also the nation. He considers no anecdote, no peculiarity of manner, no familiar saying, as too insignificant for his notice which is not too insignificant to illustrate the operation of laws, of religion, and of educa1 Essay on History.

tion, and to mark the progress of the human mind. Men will not merely be described, but will be made intimately known to us. The changes of manners will be indicated, not merely by a few general phrases or a few extracts from statistical documents, but by appropriate images presented in every line."1 This idea Macaulay sought faithfully to realize in his History of England, the first two volumes of which appeared in 1848, and the enormous popularity of the work was due in large part to success in achieving his ideal. The History was translated into the language of every civilized country and was read by all classes. Among the numerous testimonials which reached the author was a vote of thanks, carried at a meeting of workmen, "for having written a history which working men can understand.'

" 2

The widening horizon of historians began to be perceptible in school instruction in Germany about 1850. Weber's Lehrbuch der Weltgeschichte, published in 1847, was the work of a practical schoolmaster and grew out of his work as a teacher of history. It illustrated the possibility of summing up in a comprehensive survey, without neglecting either politics or war, the history of art, literature, science, religion, philosophy, and general

1 Essays, three-volume edition, I, 306.

2 Gooch, History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century, 301.

cultural conditions. This work in the course of forty years passed through twenty editions and became the basis of innumerable textbooks for schools. It seems to have been the original model of most American textbooks in the field of general history.

About 1860 Kulturgeschichte began to assume the proportions of a general issue. In that year Biedermann published an essay of forty-five pages on The Teaching of History in School, its Defects, and a Proposal for a Remedy. The defects which Biedermann saw were that history consisted of a mere succession of events and that its method was mere narration. History of this kind, in his opinion, exercised the memory only and overloaded that, much to the confusion of the understanding. It left the pupil almost entirely passive. "Shall history in school," he asked, "describe merely actions and, as performers of them, great personalities, or shall it concern itself with the general conditions of a time or people, shall it deal exclusively or chiefly with external, so-called political history (war, battles, treaties of peace, conquests, distributions of provinces, regents, generals, diplomats, etc.), or shall it deal also with the inner life of the people, . . . shall it present events in mere succession or according to their organic relations?" The

1 Der Geschichtsunterricht in der Schule, seine Mängel und ein Vorschlag zur Abhilfe.

answer was that history in school should be a study of civilization.

In Germany, for the remainder of the century, the Kulturgeschichte issue aroused almost continuous, and at times angry, debate. Kulturgeschichte proved a term difficult to define. To the schoolmaster it meant in general concrete illustrations of the non-political aspects of civilization. To the historian it might mean a blending of psychology and sociology, a study of the social consciousness, the social mind, the social soul. Lamprecht, a leading advocate of the latter view, has declared that political history merely inquires with Ranke how it happened -"wie es eigentlich gewesen?" Kulturgeschichte asks how it became "wie es eigentlich geworden?" The one is narrative in method, the other is genetic.1 The outstanding fact, so far as school instruction is concerned, is that, during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the scope of history programs gradually broadened until, both in Germany and in other countries, the non-political aspects of civilization won recognition as at least an indispensable part of surveys of history for schools. To-day there is in all countries emphasis upon social and economic history, with a tendency, especially marked in the United States, to exalt the common man and the common life.

1 Gooch, History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century, 588,

The changes thus indicated in conceptions of history for schools reflect political, social, and economic changes in the world at large. The growth of democracy with its ideals of equal opportunity for all and the welfare of the whole tended naturally to shift interest from leaders and heroes of the old type to the masses, and to the men and measures that have forwarded the improvement of the masses. The industrial revolution created a new world and brought home to historians, as never before, the significance of past industrial life. One result was the economic interpretation of history, a search for explanations of human development in "the hard daily work on earth" rather than in "the shifting clouds of heaven." A new industrial situation demanded a new industrial education and led to a searching reëxamination of the whole educational system, with demands for readjustment, amounting, in some cases, to revolution. A new social consciousness and new conceptions of social efficiency developed. School instruction in history has, in consequence, been called upon to impress the lesson that progress comes through coöperation, acting together, thinking of the social welfare. It has, in common with other subjects, been called upon to socialize the pupil, to counteract the selfish instincts natural to the young, to show that no one can live for himself alone, that each will live better for himself by living for others. All of