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Offences against the privileges of sanctuary were looked upon as very heinous in their nature; nevertheless Henry the Second, in his strict regard for justice, would not suffer criminals thus to escape punishment. Knyghton declares that the king showed no reverence at all for asyla, but took delinquents from churches without scruple, both churchmen and laymen. The case of Hubert de Burgh, earl of Kent, justiciary and favourite of Henry the Third, proves that the law of sanctuary was little respected by that monarch also. Dugdale relates that in 1232, Hubert falling into disgrace with his master, took refuge in Merton Priory, but the king commanded the mayor of London to force him thence, and Hubert fled to the high altar. Some political reasons prevented the king from carrying the matter further at that time; but Hubert coming of his own accord from his fastness, soon found it necessary to flee again for refuge to some sacred place. He went to a small chapel at Brentwood, in Essex, taking a cross in one hand, and the host in the other. But these were forced from him, and he was conveyed to the Tower in an ignominious manner, his feet being chained under his horse's belly. The clergy were very indignant at this, and the Bishop of London threatened to excommunicate all who were concerned in the breach of privilege; upon which the king ordered Hubert to be sent back again to the chapel. At the same time, however, by the royal orders, the Sheriffs of Hertford and Essex guarded the chapel so closely, that the prisoner could neither escape nor receive any supplies of food. In this extremity Hubert yielded himself up to the sheriffs, and was a second time conveyed to the Tower. His affairs being in part made up, he was afterwards sent to the castle of Devizes, from whence he escaped to a neighbouring church. His pursuers found him before the altar with the cross in his hands, but dragged him away, and took him back to the castle. The Bishop of Salisbury was roused by this breach of privilege committed within his diocese, and after ineffectual remonstrances with the

governors of the castle, he excommunicated the whole garrison, and joining with other prelates he preferred a complaint before the king, which was so strongly pressed, that Henry ordered the prisoner to be restored to his sanctuary. This, however, was of little benefit to Hubert, for the king commanded the Sheriff of Wiltshire to prevent any person from bringing him victuals, A troop of armed men effected the rescue of the prisoner, who escaped into Wales, and at last died peaceably in that country. This account is curious, as exhibiting the state of feeling on the part of the monarch, who evidently wished, but dared not, to abolish the law in question, and the strong desire on the part of the clergy to maintain it inviolate.

The principal sanctuaries in this kingdom were as follows: Aberdaron (Wales), Abingdon, Armethwaite. (Cumberland), Beaulieu, Beverley, Battle-Abbey, Colchester, Derby, Durham, Dover, Hexham, Lancaster, Lechlade, Manchester, Merton Priory, Northampton, Norwich, Ripon, St. Martin's le Grand (London), St. Mary le Bow (London), Temple (London), Wells, Westminster, Winchester, York. In Scotland, Holyrood Abbey afforded protection to debtors.

At the dissolution of monasteries sanctuaries were

confined to parish churches, and their churchyards, cathedrals, hospitals, and collegiate churches, and no immunity was to be allowed to persons guilty of the more serious offences. On the re-establishment of popery in Queen Mary's reign, the right of sanctuary was restored to its wonted vigour. It was again restricted in the reign of Elizabeth, and in that of James the First it was totally abolished.

Our engraving represents the frid-stool or chair of peace which still exists in Beverley Minster, York, being placed on the left of the entrance to the vestry. It is hewn out of solid stone, with a hollow back; it has been

been broken, but repaired with iron clamps. The right of sanctuary was first vested in the church of St. John of Beverley by the munificence of Athelstan, and this frid-stool was placed in a conspicuous situation near the altar, as an emblem of protection to the refugee. The sanctuary was called Leuga, and was comprehended within the circumference of a circle, of which the church was the centre, and whose radius was about a mile. It was defined by four crosses, one of which still exists in a dilapidated state. These crosses were placed on the four principal roads leading to the town. One was called Molescroft Cross, near Leckonfield Park, another was towards North Burton, a third towards Kimvalgraves, and the last to the south of Beverley, on the road which led to the ferry across the Humber.

Camden has preserved the Latin inscription said to have been originally engraven on the frid-stool at Beverley. It is to the following effect: "This stone seat is called Freedstool, or Chair of Peace, to which fleeing, every guilty person finds perfect security." This chair of peace, (says Mr. Allen in his History of York,) was a full refuge and safety from the immediate infliction of punishment for any crime whatsoever. In general it afforded protection while the nature and circumalways placed in the most favourable point of view; and stances of the crime were investigated, which the Church while its protection was continued, the culprit remained in perfect safety within the limits of the sanctuary. And this course continued until the offended party was reconciled. In all cases, the life of the criminal was safe at Beverley, be his crime whatever it might. The fugitive having taken the oath of fealty to the abbot, and being placed in the chair of peace, might compel his adversary to additional cause of the high degree of respect paid in these accept pecuniary compensation. And this privilege was an times to the ministers of religion; for it is thought by some, that persons obtaining sanctuary, who had been guilty of capital crimes, received their pardon on condition of becoming slaves to the abbot, or lord of the place where the privilege was claimed.

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THE CHRONICLES OF THE MIDDLE

AGES.

CHRONICLES, containing important historical facts, appeared during every period of the Middle Ages. It was the custom, in many monasteries, to keep registries, or journals, wherein every remarkable occurrence which came within the knowledge of the fraternity was entered; and the monks, especially those in England, by communicating at their general assemblies, what they had thus recorded, were enabled to render assistance to each other for the rectifying or completing of their narrations. In this manner the chronicle of a monastery was frequently continued through successive generations. Although brought up amidst all the simplicity of a cloister, these annalists seem to have been impressed with the importance of the office entrusted to them; and they reiterate in their prefaces, that history is the messenger of antiquity, the witness of times no longer existing, the remembrancer of the human race, the lesson for the people, and the school for kings. Many of them manifest but humble pretensions, stating that they have only written for their brethren of the cloister, or in obedience to the commands of their superiors. Indeed, the majority Indeed, the majority seemed to have believed that their works would but live and die with themselves; and hence their recitals are often replete with artless, and sometimes indiscreet passages. What would have been their surprise could it have been announced to them, that the day would come when their humble manuscripts would be judged before the great tribunal of the world, and that copies of them would be multiplied by a surprising invention, and disseminated far and wide! Not anticipating to appear before the public in this way, their productions might be expected to be all the more natural and simple; and, in perusing them, one smiles sometimes at observing the extent to which they are so.

The greater number of the chroniclers would have thought it a dereliction of duty, had they not traced their narrative back to the period of the Creation, the Deluge, or at least to the empire of the Cæsars. In distinguishing the various epochs of events in their narratives, they were accustomed to refer to the festivals of the calendar, thus conferring upon a mere date the interest of a religious recollection. Sometimes it was a battle which occurred upon St. Peter's or St. Paul's day; sometimes a certain town was taken upon the anniversary of the death of Christ, &c. As in the Middle Ages religion took part in everything which occurred, so was it ever present in the thoughts of the chroniclers. After the interests of the general Church, those of their own monastery were paramount in their eyes: they often attach more importance to, and occupy more space in narrating, the foundation of a convent, or the annexation of a farm or vineyard to its domains, than to the establishment of a kingdom, or the conquest of a province. In speaking of heroes and princes, they dwell rather upon their physical than upon their moral characteristics; and, in relating events, do not trouble themselves with the consideration of the causes whence they arose, or the consequences to which they might lead.

In these times a rainy season, an inundation, a drought, or a storm, became matters of history, for the national prosperity entirely depended upon the condition of the harvests, and abundance or sterility spread everywhere joy or misery. The chroniclers, therefore, omit no details concerning events of this description. Philip the Breton interrupts his history of Philip Augustus, to state, that one day the lightning struck the gilt weathercock of the steeple of St. Denis; and that, in the same year, a white frost and a fall of snow damaged the vines, the consequence of which was, that the vintage was deficient, and the wine of bad quality.

Judging from the scrupulous exactitude with which these old writers hand down to us accounts of eclipses,

remarkable vicissitudes of the atmosphere, &c., one might believe that they were occupied in writing a history of the seasons, and the changes of the heavens. Like their more ignorant cotemporaries, they occupied themselves rather with the future than with the past, and in the observation of the celestial revolutions, their credulity sought the means of divining coming events. Many chroniclers of the twelfth century narrate that a shower of falling stars formed the prelude of the First Crusade. The comets, which were supposed to exercise great influence upon futurity, were not, of course, neglected by the historians; the unusual forms and brilliant appearances of these bodies were duly recorded, as were the predictions of the various calamities with which they were supposed to menace the world.

The annalists were not much better informed concerning the condition of society, than they were instructed in the laws of nature; and thus they lived in a world which they understood not, although engaged in writing its history. However, nothing embarrassed them, for all that they found astonishing or unusual, they explained as proceeding from the secret designs of the Almighty. A sudden death, an unforeseen illness, or an accident, appeared in their eyes but the penalties incurred by bad actions or improper conduct; and they looked upon all great national calamities as direct visitations on human perversity.

Our ancestors were ever influenced by dreams and visions; and important decisions not only in private life, but also in public affairs, were frequently determined by these; and in this manner they often became historical events. So, too, the annalists, when they related with the utmost good faith their accounts of apparitions, miraculous interpositions, and the agency of the Evil One, did but reflect the spirit of the age in which they lived; for, at this period, such narrations were alike credited by the learned and ignorant, the rich and the poor.

The greater portion of these chronicles interest us by their heart-felt credulity, by a species of rude eloquence in which they are written; but above all, by reason of the abundance and variety of their details. But in vain may we search among them for the spirit of unity and generalization which enlarges and elevates the thoughts of the historian, or for that spirit of criticism, the possession of which is so necessary for the investigation of the truth.

The Greek chroniclers of the same period are but little more advanced as regards the spirit of criticism, the maturity of taste, or powers of reasoning, while they present us with a much smaller number of facts. In Nicetas and Anna Comnena, we are sometimes reminded of ancient Greece; but both these authors, endeavouring too much to imitate the language of the poets, impart to their writings a character of frivolity and untruth. The chroniclers of Byzantium only seek to display the vain ornaments of their rhetoric; and even while deploring the calamities and ruin of the empire, their language, always affected, possesses neither warmth nor energy. In comparing the chronicles of the Franks with those of the Greeks, we at once see that the former belong to the yet uncultivated genius of a new state of society, and the latter to the decline of an empire grown old in corruption and effeminacy.

We know little of the Oriental chronicles of the Middle Ages, but we at once see that they are characterized by the same credulity, and greater ignorance than those of the West. Rarely do we find in the Arabian historians any ideas illustrative of the workings of the human heart, or any indications of the causes of the revolutions of societies. They too frequently neglect the important circumstances of events, to dwell upon some fantastic particulars and insignificant details. Nevertheless we occasionally recognise in their recita's something less barbarous than the people and the

governments whose history they were writing; and many of them manifest, in their figurative language, vivacity and eloquence. We think, however, as regards style and narration, our authors of the Middle Ages surpass the Oriental writers of the same epoch. As the Western chroniclers wrote in Latin, it is to be supposed that the masterpieces of antiquity were not unknown to them, and in many of their narrations it is evident that they employed them as models. The writers of the East were only guided by their own inspirations; no rules directed them, and their recitals frequently fail to captivate the attention of their readers. We must, nevertheless, allow that the study of the ancients has sometimes led astray our old chroniclers, who are far too apt to judge of the events which they relate by their recollections of the occurrences at Rome and Athens; and thus, if the Arab writers are inferior in the art of writing, yet, judging from their own impressions, rather than from those derived from others, their very ignorance becomes invested with a character of originality.

We have hitherto alluded only to the chroniclers of the twelfth or thirteenth century; but those of a period somewhat prior to this exhibit, to an attentive observer, a somewhat different character: in their writings will be found less simplicity and candour, and more ignorance and barbarism. Gregory of Tours, Fredegaire, and those who appeared immediately after them, seem all alarmed at the nature of the approaching times, and at the state of darkness gradually extending itself over entire Europe. While the writers of the eighth and ninth centuries deplore in terse style, and with doleful forebodings, the decline of literature; those of the twelfth century were eager in proving that everywhere the study of languages and the belles lettres were in progress, and their voices, although as yet but feeble, seem to hail the return of brighter days. The former, with the recollections of better times pressing upon them, regret a degree of civilization which was becoming rapidly extinct, and the customs and manners they describe but too truly indicate the triumph of barbarism. The latter, although not aware of the changes which were even then in preparation, yet regard the future without fear, and the tone which animates their recitals seems to announce an already returning civilization.

It will be readily believed that if the art of narrating did not become perfected at the epoch of the crusades, at least the number of the historians augmented; and these historians should be regarded by us as so many witnesses of the actual condition of the Middle Ages. The importance of the events, the religious character of the war, and the interest which Christianity felt in its prosecution, must necessarily have inspired many writers with the desire of relating what they knew, or what they had seen. We have thus handed down to us no less than twelve narrations of the first expedition of the crusaders into Asia. The pious authors of this epoch, to use their own expressions, felt themselves oppressed with the desire of recalling to the memory of men, the labours and sufferings of the heroes of the Cross, and especially the mighty events which, by the permission of the Almighty, were transacted in the East. Many of these historians relate what passed under their very eyes, when they followed the crusaders into Palestine; and some of them are careful in informing their readers, that their accounts were written in the midst of camps, and that the din of war prevented a too nice attention to style. One of these writers, as proving how far he had partaken in the perils he recounts, tells us, at the commencement of his history, that being present at the taking of Jerusalem by Saladin, he was wounded in the face by a dart, and adds, "although the wooden handle has been extracted, the iron portion remains within the wound even while I am now writing." It may be imagined that the chroniclers who were present

at the holy war were powerfully excited by the passions which inflamed the crusaders. In their eyes, every occurrence was miraculous,-every event a prodigy; and on reading the narration of Raymond d'Agiles, of Gunther, or of some other writer, one is tempted to believe that the warriors of the Cross inhabited another world to ours, and that the laws of nature were maintained in existence only for infidels and sceptics. We have a far more serious reproach to offer against these ocular witnesses; the indifference, or even sometimes the joy, with which they regarded the massacres of the Saracens. It is too well known how horrible these massacres often were, in many towns of Syria, and especially in Jerusalem. To express the extent of the destruction of the infidels, a chronicler, who was present, says, "To escape such carnage, wings alone could avail, and these the Mussulmen had not." Blinded by the passions of war, the crusaders scarcely considered their enemies as human beings. Most of the chroniclers who followed the crusaders were connected with the church, and the pilgrim-staff formed their only weapon. Many among them could not conceal the fears under which they laboured; and doubtless it was this very terror which rendered them so barbarous in the hour of victory. Those historians who had never left the West, are far less violent and passionate in their recitals. The Archbishop of Dol declares that he wishes to render justice alike to Mussulman and Christian; for while he knew what he owed to the cause of Christianity, he also knew what he owed to the cause of truth.

It must be observed, that from the more intimate relations which took place with the Saracens, during the latter crusades, the spirit of hatred became much softened down; and thus, after the third holy war, sentiments of humanity and compassion are to be found in the chronicles. It was in Italy, wherein signs of civilization first began to re-appear, that the chronicles first gave the example of this moderation; but it is, above all, in the writings of William, archbishop of Tyre, that we see evidence of the progress of this feeling: a noble moderation, and passionate desire for the triumph of virtue, animate his writings; and an enlightened conscientiousness, and entire probity, challenge for him the esteem and confidence of his readers. Like most of his cotemporaries, he explains the reverses of the Christians by their sins and corruption; but the greatest sinners in the eyes of William, were always those who despised the claims of humanity and the laws of justice; and when he invokes the terrible sentence of God upon the children of transgressors, it is as a punishment for the neglect of sworn duty to God, and violation of the rights of man.

The literary merit of this historian we have no intention of discussing; his readers will at once see that the masterpieces of antiquity were no strangers to him, and this intimate acquaintance with the ancient writers not only enlightened his mind and increased his knowledge, but doubtless contributed to the production of the urbanity which pervades his narration. Sometimes, however, he carries his love of ancient learning too far; and thus we find Virgil cited side by side with Ezekiel, and Juvenal upon the same page with Isaiah; while, in order to celebrate his metropolis of Tyre, he does not consider it any profanation to carry us back to the history of Dido. Details, which are ordinarily passed over in history, are too minutely dwelt upon by his pen; and thus, in tracing the portraits of the kings of Jerusalem, he does not forget to tell us that Godfrey had light-coloured hair and beard; that Baldwin the First had red hair, and an aquiline nose, and that he was neither too thin nor too stout; that Baldwin the Second was of high stature and fresh complexion, and that his knees had become hardened by kneeling at pravers. Yet these details, which the severity of

modern criticism proscribes, are scarcely misplaced in the papal court, has been considered by some as a phithese old narrations. After having studied the por-losophical writer,) beyond any historian of the thirteenth traits drawn by the good archbishop, the reader would easily recognise the heroes of the crusade if they might appear before him.

The chroniclers of the holy wars especially excel in their pictures of the miseries in which they had taken part, and resignation is the virtue upon which they are the most eloquent. Their references to Scripture and quotations from the prophets, produce a great effect in their descriptions, when not too often multiplied, and give to their narrations a poetical and solemn character, frequently very striking. The images they employ to express their thoughts are frequently brilliant reflections of that fiery enthusiasm which had produced the wars of the East. Ralph of Coggeshall, an English chronicler, after describing the invasion of Palestine, and the miseries he had there suffered, mourns over the pilgrims who had died for the cause of Christ, and envies them the sacred earth which covered their remains. "Miserable that I am," he says, "to be thus one of the last of the survivors, for, less fortunate than my brothers in misery, I have not received my portion of the land of our Saviour."

Several of the chroniclers join to this pious exaltation of ideas an accurate knowledge of events, and then their enlightened testimony becomes of great service towards a history of the crusades. We may allude to Guibert, abbot of Nogent, the most exact observer of the manners of his times; to Odon of Devil, who accompanied Louis the Seventh into Asia, and describes the progress and sufferings of the French pilgrims with the exactness, and occasionally with the ingenious vivacity, of a Sallust; and to the author of the Itinerary of Richard, who in knowledge surpasses all the chroniclers, and by the curious details with which he has filled his narration, has invested it with all the interest of a romance, or an epic.

The chronicles bear different characters, not only according to the epochs, but also the countries in which they were composed. Thus, those of Italy and Germany do not possess the same characteristics, and certainly not the same merit, as those of England and France. The general history of Italy, like the country it represents, is divided into numerous fractions, and, to learn its progress in the Middle Ages, we must seek it in thirty rival cities, recorded in numerous chronicles, frequently varying in their descriptions of the same events. It is true that these show less superstition and credulity than do those of other countries, viewing circumstances in a more enlightened manner, and sometimes expressing themselves with more moderation; but curious details, and important circumstances of leading events, are too much neglected by them. The German annals of the same epoch are not more fertile in facts, while in all other respects they are still more defective. Germany never having experienced the civilizing power of the Romans, took the hindmost place in the modern regeneration. To give an idea of the poverty of the Italian and German chroniclers, it is sufficient to say, that all their documents united do not offer sufficient material for the compilation of the complete history of a single crusade. France is the country, perhaps, which has furnished the greatest number of fully-informed witnesses of by-gone times; and her old annalists have been especially had recourse to in all recent important attempts to delineate the laws and customs of the Middle Ages. The most elaborate researches upon feudality, chivalry, and the origin of the various institutions of the Western world, have been made from these materials. The English chroniclers are, in the same way, entitled to challenge the attention of an enlightened posterity. They are, however, also as credulous as those of other countries. Matthew Paris, (who, by reason of his detailing some of the complaints against the abuses of

century, recounts the greatest number of prodigies and incredible events; but, side by side with this superstitious credulity, it is gratifying to find among the English annalists a great respect for the facts of history; and the care they take to relate all the circumstances necessary to their narrations, gives a great value to their chronicles, which are to us as the archives of a period which has long passed away.

[Abridged from a Paper read before the French Academy, by M. MICHAUD.]

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ALL our senses are worthy of admiration, but there are advantages peculiar to each. They render us conversant with the phenomenal world, with our fellow men, and with the various creatures that tenant the earth; but more especially, with the signs of God's existence and wonderful providence. Light connects us with objects at a distance, without its aid we should become level with the insects whose knowledge is attained through the medium of touch. Thus degraded, we might feel the heat of the sun, but could not tell its source; and unable to perceive their light, we should be unaware of the existence of the stars. The glorious panorama of nature,-the illuminated heaven with the glad aspect of earth,-would be equally unknown; our intercourse with our species would be limited, and our support precarious. The importance of vision is so great, that all the superior and most of the inferior animals have been provided with it. A large proportion of our ideas owe their origin to this sense. Works of genius and the records of knowledge are addressed to it, and without it could neither have existence nor utility. Colours are the source of many pleasures. Creation would be monotonous were light and shade the only distinctions, as it is the case during the gloom of evening, and the prevalence of snow. As it is, we have the hue of beauty; the thousand aspects of branch and flower; the gay tints of art, and in fine, the endless diversity of everything that surrounds us.

Colours are enhanced by combination and contrast, as in mosaics, and still more in the variety of nature. How brilliant is the aspect of beds of flowers. The splendour of the rainbow, no less than that of many living objects, fills us with admiration and delight. By night, the moon and stars provide us with their tinted and gentle radiance; while meteors and other forms of electric fluid, add their brilliancy. The very sea is full of splendour. Many insects, and some plants even, emit light at night. It would be difficult to describe the flitting and glowing illumination of the fire-fly. We are enabled to multiply the pleasures arising from these sources, by transferring the hues of nature to the produce of industry. We can thus preserve them for years, and if the material be not very perishable, as in the canvas of the painter, and the frescoed wall, they will often remain uninjured for centuries. The and of the Egyptian tombs, are of very ancient date. paintings of the early masters, the decorations of Pompeii When the light liberally bestowed by nature ceases, we supply its place by an artificial illumination that perpetuates the lustrous colouring of the day. Thus comfort and convenience are promoted, while existence is multiplied, and light and life are imparted to what would otherwise come much is thereby added to human industry, to hours of within the dreary dominions of darkness and night. How study and social intercourse! Yet contrivances, even of earthly origin, must be referred to the only Giver of knowledge and power; since without Him there could be no art, nor any science or skill.-M'CORMAC's Philosophy of Human Nature.

JOHN W. PARKER, PUBLISHER, WEST STRAND, LONDON.

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GENEVA, the capital of the smallest of the Swiss cantons, owes its principal attractions to its beautiful situation, and to the historical interest with which it is invested. Small and unimportant as this canton may appear, its influence in past ages has been of the most extensive and prevailing character, and it will ever thus possess peculiar interest to the intelligent traveller.

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The town itself, though much improved of late years, has no very remarkable attractions in the way of public buildings or sights; it owes, therefore, its chief beauties to its position on one of the most charming lakes in the world. The Cathedral is noted for the simplicity of its architecture, to which the addition of a fine Corinthian portico has been no improvement; but the interior presents a pure specimen of early Gothic. The Museum of Natural History is chiefly interesting as containing the collections, in their several departments of science, of the eminent Saussure, Decandolle, and Necker. In the upper story is a reading-room, well supplied with the best European Journals. The Public Library contains forty thousand volumes, with many rare and curious manuscripts. Letters and sermons may there be seen in the handwriting of Calvin and Beza, with the discourses of St. Augustine, and a manuscript on papyrus, of the seventh century.

The upper part of the town of Geneva, which rises on a gentle acclivity, is picturesque. In the lower part, the houses are disfigured by cumbersome wooden arcades, under which the trading classes exhibit their wares and merchandize. The blue waters of the Rhone, issuing VOL. XXV.

from the lake, divide the town into two parts, and along the banks there are many unseemly buildings, (which, however, have had their share in the general improvement,) devoted to the use of the washerwomen o Geneva.

The manufacture of watches, musical boxes, and jewellery, is that to which Geneva owes its present trading prosperity. Upwards of fifty workshops, devoted to watch-making, and seventy to the jeweller's trade, are kept in constant employment; and it has been calculated that in good years seventy-five thousand ounces of gold, five thousand marks of silver, and precious stones to the value of a million of francs, are used in them. One hundred thousand watches are said to be now annually manufactured in Geneva.

The Genevese are fond of the pleasures of society, and devote their evenings to conversation. Mr. Roscoe remarks that M. Simond's description of a soirée at Geneva, might be mistaken for that of an evening party in some country town in England.

Soon after eight in the evening ladies sally forth, wrapped in a cloak and hood, a rebellious feather only appearing sometimes in front, and walk on tiptoe about the streets, preceded by their maid, who carries a lantern. When they reach their destination, the cloak and double shoes are thrown off, in an ante-room appropriated to the purpose; their dress is shaken out a little by the attentive maid, their shawl thrown afresh over their shoulders with negligent propriety, their cap set to rights, and then they slide in lightly, to appearance quite unconscious of looks, make their curtsey, take their seats, and try to be agreeable to their next

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