how much physical and mental energy shall develop, and how much surplus the proletariat shall generate. The ruling class is fearful of idle men, of those with too many leisure hours. It does not want the daily work of the world too quickly done. It does not view with favor a proletariat too intelligent and too well informed, save along purely technical lines. Mental surplusage among the masses renders them anything but servile.

It is not evident that the capitalists have entered into any conspiracy to keep down the vital surplus of the masses. There is no such astuteness and foresight manifested. But the industrial policies shaped by employers' associations and put into force on a wide scale tend to accomplish this end as though by design.

And yet the situation is paradoxical. In spite of all there is a constant release of vital energy. For the plutocracy of every nation faces a dilemma. It cannot continue to make profits and to maintain its place in the struggle with other industrial societies by sapping the strength of its workers. Success demands efficiency and efficiency calls for laborers with energy, for men who are well-fed and something more than mere brothers to the ox in mind. It has, therefore, been necessary for capitalistic interests to adopt benevolent policies and to promote human welfare in numerous and praiseworthy ways. Although this has proved profitable, it has also worked to the disadvantage of the master class. The proletariat under these conditions develops power, and conflict between the two classes is intensified. The proletariat is never satisfied any more than the master class. It has long taken lessons of the latter. Among other things it has learned of them is sabotage. What the capitalists have practised against the public and the workers is not regularly measured to the capitalists in full by the workers. Any gain of energy only causes more aggressive action in behalf of more gain. But just so far

as possible the rebellious, strike-fomenting element is eliminated, and the laboring group disciplined in one way or another till compelled to acquiesce in the rule of capitalism. Some say the troublesome element is eliminated because it is composed of "under men," inferiors, failures, and those who cannot hold their place in the struggle. But such is not the case; it is the "natural aristocracy" of the proletariat or those who have acquired superiority that are the aggressors. Many, of course, accept their lot as natural. They do not resent the domination of the propertied class. Conscious of weakness and overawed by the system, they are faithful servitors and unquestioning supporters of the existing order. While the capitalistic class does not have anything like complete and absolute dominion over vital energy, enough is commanded to render the ascendancy of wealth reasonably secure.

In addition to the means of control already noticed, plutocracy also makes use of economic imperialism. Economic imperialism is the outflow of surplus capital into other lands, especially undeveloped ones, and the effort to grasp and monopolize as many of the resources of the earth as possible. It does not generally proceed at once as did political society to forceful conquest; it invests in mines, forests, railways, mills, loans to governments, and other foreign enterprises, and then tells the people at home that "our citizens must be protected in their legitimate rights and interests abroad." So in behalf of foreign investments national policies come to be formulated. Under a great variety of expressions, as "the white man's burden," "teaching self-government to backward peoples," the Monroe Doctrine, the open door for China, a “place in the sun," the desire for markets, etc., foreign policy takes shape. However started, it has but one motivethat of self-interests-and but one aim, namely world dominion. Nevertheless, publics are easily led by the

opinions they receive from their masters to believe that national welfare is identified with whatever foreign policy is promoted. In this way the imperialistic class can make and does make the people do its will in relation to other nations. It also dictates domestic policies, since they are often largely reactions to international situations. Thus, whereas the other means noticed pertained particularly to the control of individual conduct, this one brings national behavior into subjection. Imperial ambitions clash, and embroilments result; they are even promoted like other industrial enterprises. So wars and armed peace, alliances and counter alliances, conflicts and realignments without end constitute the activities of economic imperialism, in which the nations dance like puppets as plutocracy pulls the strings.

Since industrial society is obviously under control of the wealth-holding class, the validity of economic determination appears certain. It holds, however, only for the industrial stage; neither political nor ethnic society came greatly under its sway.

In conclusion it should be pointed out that while the agencies of control are more numerous at this stage, regulation is by no means as absolute as under the political. A surplusful world grows increasingly difficult to manage, and no class can do more than wield a dominant influence. Wealth affords the dynamic, but its method is as much domination by suggestion and influence as by direct attack. The wealthy class fails to monopolize all the economic surplus, and by no means holds complete domination over the other forms. Some remains to other classes, and plutocracy meets with opposition. The proletariat especially challenges its rule, puts some checks upon it, and seeks its overthrow. The final outcome depends entirely upon the shift of surplus to other classes. This shift, however, will eventually take place, and another form of energy become

the dynamic of control. A new class will then rule, and a new social order be established. Whether this will be for better or for worse no one can say.

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