found by the same name things that have nothing in

common.

When we have laid the foundations for civilization by law, established and maintained against the lawless, then we must pour into the uncivilized regions the forces that make for civilization. We must follow the force that compels obedience with the forces that make for life. We must do it in the family, we must do it in the school, we must do it in the city and the State, and we must do it among the nations of the earth. Where, therefore, we have established the foundations of law, there we must see that the free press, the free school, free industry, and a free church go also. Woe to us Christian men and women if in this hour, when the world is opening to us, when the gates are flung apart and law is being established where law never was known before-woe to us if we have no message, or no courage to send our message!

This is what I have to say. Ponder it. Something you will agree with, something you will disagree with; but think about it. If I am wrong, the sooner the wrong is exposed the better for me. This is what I have to say: God is bringing the nations together. We must establish courts of reason for the settlement of controversies between civilized nations. We must maintain a force sufficient to preserve law and order among barbaric nations; and we have small need of an army for any other purpose. We must follow the maintenance of law and the establishment of order and the foundations of civilization with the vitalizing forces that make for civilization. And we must constantly direct our purpose and our policies to the time when the whole world shall have become civilized; when men, families, communities, will yield to reason and to conscience. And then we will draw our sword from its sheath and fling it out into the sea, rejoicing that it is gone forever.

JAMES B. ANGELL

[Extracts from a speech delivered at the Peace Jubilee, Chicago, November 19, 1898.]

I.

WAR AND ARBITRATION

Ir may seem to some that any reference to the subject assigned to me must strike a dissonant note in the pæans of victory which are thrilling our hearts at this hour. While this hall is ringing with the praises of the great captains who honor us with their presence tonight, and of their comrades and followers, and with the praises of the brilliant naval commanders who, with their gallant sailors, have won the admiration of the world for our navy, and with the praises of the wise commander-in-chief of our armies and navies, who has presided over the conduct of the war with such consummate skill, to attempt to direct your attention to the tame and hackneyed theme of arbitration, to the quiet methods of settling international difficulties by the noiseless procedure of arbitration, may appear like appointing a Quaker meeting on the edge of a battlefield.

But when I remember that no brave American fights from delight in carnage, but only to secure an honorable peace; when I remember that the great captain, General Grant, who knew well both the glories and the horrors of war, declared that he looked forward with hope and delight to an epoch when a court should settle international differences; when I remember how

President McKinley received the plaudits of the whole civilized world for so long employing every resource at his command to secure from Spain by peaceful measures what he was reluctantly compelled at last to demand at the cannon's mouth; when I remember that he seized the first auspicious moment to make an armistice and open the doors of peaceful negotiation for the complete settlement of all questions in dispute, I venture to hope that the subject is not altogether inopportune.

All nations have now learned that America shrinks not from war, if it is necessary, but that, in a magnanimous though self-respecting spirit, she loves, more than the glamour of victorious war, an honorable peace with all mankind. And indeed, we are summoned here to-night not to celebrate a war jubilee, but a jubilee of peace, of white-winged peace, on which the very spirits of heaven must look down with delight.

In four wars we have established our fame as a martial race. No nation now questions that, or will ever again recklessly lay hand on us. But we have won laurels in peace not less glorious than those we have won in war, by our brilliant efforts in mitigating the evils of war, by setting the example to the world, from the days of Washington, of guarding the rights and discharging the duties of neutrals, and by seeking, through Marcy, forty years ago, to abolish privateering and to exempt private property from seizure on the sea. We have become fairly entitled to be known as the nation of arbitrators by the fact that, either as one of the principals or as an umpire, we have had part in nearly a hundred arbitrations. Two of them, that at Geneva to settle the Alabama claims and that at Paris to adjust the Bering Sea question, were perhaps the most important in history. Not one of our arbitrations has failed to stand, except when it was unsatisfactory to both parties.

May we not at this peace jubilee, even though the smoke of victorious battle has hardly drifted away from the shores and waters of Porto Rico, Cuba, and Manila, pledge ourselves anew to be true to the spirit of our history, and mingle with our shouts of triumph our fresh declaration for arbitration, whenever possible, as the means of averting war and of settling most international difficulties which do not yield to negotiation?

II.

PROVINCE OF ARBITRATION

THERE are indeed some questions which cannot be submitted by a nation to arbitration. But there are many, like questions of disputed boundary, interpretation of treaties, claims for damages, etc., which can be settled by arbiters-questions which, arising in time of popular excitement, like that on the Venezuelan question, might easily involve a nation in war. Arbitration gains us time for the sober second thought.

As in every civilized society courts have been established as the protectors of human rights in the place of brute violence, so let nations, wherever it is feasible, compose their serious differences like rational beings, by appeal to a just and dignified tribunal, whose findings will command the respect of mankind. While our ancient friend, the Czar of all the Russias, is seeking to relieve Europe of the intolerable burden which the immense standing armies have laid upon her, and is appealing to nations to cultivate the spirit of peace, let us send back an answering note across the sea, assuring him that we hail with joy every advance toward a rational and peaceful method of settling national controversies and the substitution, wherever possible, of

appeal to international tribunals, rather than to the dread arbitrament of war.

We cherish no idle dreams of escaping war altogether. This war has suddenly led us to the brink of a new and untried career. Our insular possessions may bring us glories and rewards, but also some perilous possibilities. Our points of frictional contact with other nations are multiplied. We need not be unduly alarmed. There are disasters worse than war. And if armed conflict comes we need fear no lack of Mileses and Shafters and Wheelers and Roosevelts on the land and Deweys and Sampsons and Schleys and Philips and Evanses and Clarks on the sea, who will keep unsullied our bright escutcheon. But not one of our gallant heroes, I am sure, would plunge us into a war which might be honorably avoided. It is not the old sailor who speaks flippantly of the dangers of the storm at sea. It is not the veteran soldier who speaks lightly of the horrors of war. Just because we are strong, and we know we are strong, and all nations know we are strong, we can refrain from a defiant and aggressive air.

We shall stand ever ready to defend our rights, if need be, by our might. But as America long ago, under the guidance of Washington, Jefferson, and Hamilton, earned the gratitude of continental Europe for her championship of the rights of neutral nations, may she now, while the welkin is ringing with shouts for her martial victories, have the higher glory of leading, with sane and deliberate judgment, the procession of nations to the substitution, as far as possible, of the juridical for the military settlement of international controversies. When the happy decision is reached, then may not only this proud city, but this whole nation, and all the nations of the world, celebrate the jubilee of peace.