ingly in conquering the world; but they did not dream it could be the voice of God which summoned them to lowly service of mankind. Hence "the stone cut out of the mountain without hands " rolled over them and ground them to powder. The Anglo-Saxon has reached the parting of the ways where once stood the Roman, the Greek, and the Jew, each making his dire decision. We imagine that God has called us to the rulership of the world; and many of us fail to hear His low whisper to His chosen people of to-day, "Either serve the world or perish." He calls us to bridle intemperance and lust, ambition and greed, at home and abroad. He sends us, as He sent His well-beloved Son, to serve the world, and thus to rule the world. Anglo-Saxons in the twentieth century must say to all races-to red men, black men, brown men, yellow men-" We are brethren," and lift them up to our higher plane of opportunity; or we shall hear the Calibans and Iagos, the Lobengulas and Aguinaldos hoarsely hissing in our ears, "We be brethren," and dragging us down to their lower level. The issue is still uncertain. It is possible that the Anglo-Saxons may give way to their race-vice, drunkenness; it is possible that worldliness and selfishness may so possess us that the rich shall become richer and the poor poorer, and the gulf between the classes become impassable; it is possible that the low mutterings of anarchy may rise into the wild cry of another reign of terror; it is possible that our civilization is becoming rotten before it is ripe, and that for our approaching crisis God is developing the military power of Russia that she may maintain order for the human race during the twentieth century, as Rome maintained it during the earlier years. Our destiny is hanging in the balance. Of one fact we may be sure: God will not suspend the laws of the universe in our behalf. If the United States neglects the Golden Rule and follows Rome and Greece and Judea in the path of worldly glory and self-indulgence, she will meet the doom of these fallen nations. "Use not thy power in manner rude This is a dark picture; but if at this turning point in our history we adopt a worldly policy, a starless and an endless night awaits us. We expect a better issue for our Republic. We did not seek this war or dream of the conquest of the Philippines. These islands are a responsibility providentially thrust upon us. Moreover, if we are governed by Christian motives and remain loyal to the Golden Rule we can defend our conduct thus far. Anti-imperialists characterize the President's maintenance of order in the Philippines by force as despotism; they declare that we violate the Declaration of Independence by governing peoples against their will. If we must have the consent of all the governed, or even of a majority of them, to make laws valid, there is not a binding law upon our statute-books. The voters in the United States number less than one-fifth of the population. Senator Hoar sees the inconsistency of our present representative system of government, and demands suffrage for women as well as for men. The demand is just, and in due time justice will prevail. But even with equal suffrage, our people will still be governed by a minority; as less than half the people will then be voters. We can, however, readily and fairly explain this anomaly in the Republic by saying that the children are serving their apprenticeship to free institutions, and that they will come to rulership in due time. But the American boy of nine knows more about republican institutions than the average Filipino at thirty. If, therefore, it is right to make this boy wait a dozen years longer for the suffrage, do we violate the principles of the Declaration of Independence in asking the Filipinos to serve a similar apprenticeship? If only we adhere to our fundamental purpose, not to keep these children in permanent subjection, our actions thus far are in accordance, not only with the Declaration of Independence, but with that infinitely higher law, the Golden Rule. We must not, however, make the condition for the admission of these islanders to self-government too high and rigid. The best way for a people to learn selfgovernment is by exercising it and meeting the results of their choices. The Filipinos have a right even to their mistakes; and we should be patient with them while they repeat some of the blunders and crimes which we have committed on our way to self-control. We, who butchered the Indians and banished Quakers and hung witches and are still burning negroes, ought not to set up too high a standard of external order for a half-civilized people. If we can learn the great art of rulership, namely, to rule ourselves; if we presently admit the Filipinos to participation in our government, or else establish them in a government of their own; if we dare to inaugurate the diplomacy of the twentieth century by manly sincerity and good-will toward other peoples; if we have the sublime faith and courage to apply the Golden Rule of love to international affairs, as our Puritan fathers applied the iron rule of righteousness to national affairs, we shall become that happy people whose God is the Lord. We dare to prophesy this golden age for America because we believe that Christ lives in the hearts of the common people. Unselfishness and brotherliness are growing forces in the United States. Let us serve the world as Christ saved the world, and we can no more fail in our providential tasks than Christ himself could fail. ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE PARTISANSHIP AND PATRIOTISM [From a speech delivered before the Middlesex Club, Boston, Mass., April 27, 1898.] PARTISANSHIP should be a method of patriotism. He who is a partisan merely for the sake of spoils is a buccaneer. He who is a partisan merely for the sake of a party name, is a ghost of the past among living events. He who is merely the partisan of an organization is only a pebble in the sling of a boss. But he who is the partisan of principle is a prince of citizenship. To-day the horizon's rim flames red with war. It is no time for partisanship, say men. Aye! it is the hour for the supremest partisanship-it is the hour for the partisanship of patriotism. It is the hour when all who differ on methods for the Republic's ordinary welfare perceive, at last, an issue so immense that, disagreeing still, they still agree. It is an hour when men who thought that they hated each other at the ballot-box will find that they love each other on the battle-field. In a Republic nothing is so necessary as to know that, after all, the ultimate object of each citizen is the same -the welfare of the nation and the glory of the flag. When we place a noble motive in an adversary's breast we have prepared the way for reason. You cannot argue with a prejudice. Thought is ineffectual against the heart of hate. Class knows no influence but arrogance or revenge. And sometimes it is good that the lightnings of some vast emergency should clear the heavy air and reveal us all as brothers, reveal us all as the partisans of patriotism-reveal the flag, still floating as the emblem of common love, and not the ensign of internecine hate. It is good that an hour so dread shall strike that, in its silence, Fate can hear in the heart-beats of a united people this sentiment of destiny-" Our country-may she ever be right! But, right or wrong, our country." To-day the thunder of our guns in a conflict for civilization will be a blessing and a benediction to the Republic, if we forget not those principles upon which the welfare, the honor, and the destiny of the nation must depend in years to come. For in the light of battle our political enemies will behold us as their brothers, and as brothers we will reason together. And so it is that the day of foreign war brings the season of sweet reasonableness to ourselves. What should be the policy of this war? What will be its result? The geography of the globe answers the first question; the vigor of the American people answers the second. We are at war with Spain. Therefore our field of operations is not confined to Cuba. It is our military duty to strike her at her weakest point before we strike her at her stronger points. Cuba must fall into our hands, but that will be only when Spain is conquered. Our war-ships to-day surround Cuba; our armies are massing for Cuba. And yet Cuba will be the last to fall. In the Pacific is the true field of our earliest operations. There Spain has an island empire, the Philippine archipelago. It is poorly defended. Spain's best ships are on the Atlantic. In the Pacific the United States have a powerful squadron. The Philippines are logically our first target. And when the Pacific fleet of Spain is destroyed, not only is Spain beaten to her knees by the loss of the Philippines, which would necessarily follow, but San Francisco and Portland are at the same time rendered safe. It is not |