system would be to put a final stop to the old-time, tyrannous, selfish, exacting theories and practices of colonial government.

These various statements throw such light upon the genius and the deeper tendencies of our nation as removes, I think, the presumption that we are cut out and predestined for mere national isolation. They even go further and make good the opposite presumption: That as we are allied to the Anglo-Saxon race in blood, so we are allied in character, and have the same imperative instinct of expansion and the same genius for government and national leadership.

We are confronted not alone by increase of territory, but by an increased participation in international politics.

We are offered an increased share in the determination of what shall be the dominant forces of the world; and of what shall be the world's civilization. Whatever the final decision of the nation through the people's deliberate voice and sober, second thought, may be as to Hawaii, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, this, I think, is inevitable: That we can never go back to our fancied isolation. We, once for all, have stepped out into the world. Isolation means, for instance, that we are not our brother's keeper; that our affair is to make the most of ourselves.

Now we have done the very thing which upsets this essential theory of isolation. We have taken up Cuba's quarrel. We have become our brother's keeper. Many will always think the war with Spain was unnecessary, because they believe the end could have been obtained through diplomacy. But there are very few who think we are bound to sit by forever and let Spain misgovern her colony. What we did, however, was the boldest form of interference with the international affairs of a European power-it was doing the very thing, and all the thing, that the unarmed, isolated, mind-our-own-business policy directed we should not

do, and the nation has fully accepted our extraordinary interference in a European nation's business as an unavoidable act of imperative and exalted duty.

It is on all acounts, therefore, inevitable that we can never again treat ourselves as an isolated people. A people with a Monroe Doctrine never intended to be isolated, anyway; but the war with Spain would have crossed the Rubicon if there had been a Rubicon left to cross. Henceforth it is inevitable that we shall be a real part of the great world, regularly taken into account by our fellow-nations, and regularly taking our fellow-nations into account.

II.

RELATIONS WITH THE WORLD

THERE are three forces driving us to expanded relations with the world, and we have arrived at that particular period when these forces are becoming especially active and dominant. The first of them is our trade. It is inevitable that, more and more, from this day forth, our nation will set out to become the greatest trading people ever known in the world.

No nation exists with equal facilities or equal necessities for an unprecedented commerce. We not only have in soil and minerals an easy and cheap abundance, heretofore unknown in a like combination; not only has nature lavishly equipped us, but we have a people unprecedented in manufacturing and commercial gifts. We have capital that is ample and growing, and workmen of practically a new race. We have a population of vast and constantly growing proportions, with scarcely a drone in the great hive. Such are the elements of our facilities for foreign trade.

There will be no seas without American ships, and

no ports without American goods carried there under our own flag. For, in the growing cheapness and excellence of our manufactures, nothing will be more cheaply and excellently built than ships. And with an expanding commerce and a broadening merchant marine what are more inevitable than universal relations between our nation and the whole of mankind?

Another of the forces which are carrying us on to extended relations with the world is the force of our institutions and political ideas. As I said at the beginning, there is a growing issue between our institutions and ideas and those opposing institutions and ideas which they are steadily supplanting throughout the world. America especially stands for these institutions and ideas. We could not see them defeated. We must defend them. They have served well our prosperity, our happiness, and our manhood. Henceforth we shall serve well their domination of the world.

Free government, free commerce, and free menthose first essentials of democracy-are the greatest good, the greatest blessings the political world can know; and there is in our democratic people that inherent and abiding fidelity to democratic institutions which has kept us faithful within our own borders, and is forcing us, as in this war with Spain, to be faithful on the larger stage of the world. Our cry for free institutions in Cuba was the cry of democracy speaking through the voice of our nation.

Democracy does not demand war, but it does demand justice. It demands freedom. It demands that the modern man who wants freedom shall have freedom. The Monroe Doctrine was democracy's first great challenge. It was our service. And it is wonderful that any nation should have had a spirit equal to that great self-dedication. Any further step is but another stage of democratic evolution.

Who can doubt at this day that democracy is a great

militant force, or that it will tend to drive an influential and powerful nation like ours into complete relations with the world? Democracy knows, better than any other of humanity's great forces, that war is not the best agent of ideas, and the activities of democracy, or of democratic governments, do not mean war. Democracy can be militant without entanglements or conflicts, but it cannot be militant and isolated at the same time.

The third of the forces driving our nation on to closer relations with the world is the sense of responsibility inherent in a great, free nation and the consequent impracticability of associating pure isolation with national greatness and grandeur. No truly great nation ever did or ever will for a very long time remain isolated or feed its soul on indifference to what goes on outside itself. A truly great nation must become a part of the great world and take its part of the world's burdens; take its share of responsibility for the world's civilization.

Thoughts of human progress are the necessary food of noble minds. Dreams of universal ameliorations are the nourishment of all great spirits. The isolation of greatness is inconceivable. Greatness is responsible; greatness is interested in all related great things; greatness has relationships, responsibilities, duties, which are on the scale of its own proportions. And a really great nation must feel responsibilities to the great movement of mankind, as represented in the activities of all the world together. You might as well expect a great man to limit his interests to the life of his immediate family as to expect a great nation to live entirely within itself. It is against nature, against character, against all human impulse. Therefore this growing sense of necessary touch on the part of our great nation with the civilization and interests of mankind.

III.

NOT MERE LAND EXPANSION

LET it always be remembered that the new expansion is not mere land-extension or even trade-extension. Foreign trade will be more and more a part of our life, but foreign possessions for the most part are only a necessary incident of an expansion which essentially means a new share in the responsibilities of civilization, a new share in restraining and guiding the forces of nations, a new share in moulding the fate of men.

I am the farthest possible from eagerness for mere territory. But I would not shirk a national duty to escape territory. I would not shirk a national duty to escape alien populations. I hoped we might not be obliged to take very much of the Philippines. But are we not obliged to take them all? Can we take less than all of them, and do our duty? Can we take less than all and stand by our character? The undisguised truth is that no greater service to humanity at the present time is possible than a wholesale transfer of colonial possessions from mediæval Spain to democratic America. Spain's medieval spirit has shown no distinction between the West Indies and the East Indies. Her misgovernment is cosmopolitan. Her imperial oppression compassed Cuba and the Philippines alike and bred simultaneous revolutions. We only aimed to liberate Cuba, but the common misfortunes of both colonies have strangely brought a common rescue. And the fate of the Philippines, as the fate of Cuba, rests in our generosity-in our nobility.

What shall we do? Shall we let the liberation of one stand, and return the other to her bonds? Shall we take of the Philippines only what we need, or shall we