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from our own people which are reckoned the direct fruits of democracy. If in the exigencies of this war there comes a time when there seems no help but to set aside temporarily some established labor standard labor will make the sacrifice if convinced it is necessary to defeat the common enemy. Labor rightly will not consent to the lowering or removal of standards if it believes that private capital and not the common good of the country is to be the beneficiary of such a sacrifice.

A COMMON PATRIOTISM AND A COMMON SACRIFICE.

There are men in the ranks of capital who are shamelessly profiteering out of the necessities of the people and taking advantage of the dire needs of the Government to extort unholy profits. There are a few men in the ranks of labor who are preaching disloyalty and discontent and aiding the Kaiser as surely as though they were bearing German arms. But there is another side to the shield that gives us belief that the spirit of the country at large is sound, its loyalty unquestioned. Labor in the mass has always been loyal to its country when that country in extremity called for the supreme sacrifice. In all our wars labor has poured out its blood in defense of the flag. Labor, whether on the battle ground or in the factory that made the guns has bent its back to the task of winning through. In this war, as in all other wars in American history, labor is going to the front trenches to meet the hail of German shot and shell. Twenty-one thousand members of the United Mine Workers of America are to-night under the colors. Hardly a home that has not sent its loved one away, and many a workingman's home will mourn its dead before this contest is over. Labor has faith in the patient, silent man in the White House, who bears upon his shoulders the sorrows of one who loves not peace less but honor more. It believes in the war aims voiced by our great President and in the justice of our allied cause. It will bear the acid test of loyalty and love to American ideals and institutions, now in clash with the imperious will of the German war lord.

Nor does this supreme thing for which men will give up everything, this acid test of a man's love of country, stir only in the breasts of working men. In every walk of life, in the mansion of the wealthy as well as in the lowly dwelling of the poor, this spirit is manifest to-day. Thousands of men whose names count big in the world of trade and finance have given up their private business and turned their talent, their genius, and directive power over to their country without recompense nor hope of pecuniary reward, touched by the impelling spirit of patriotism which awakened from its sometime slumber, demands alike of fame and fortune and lowly station the same meed of service and of sacrifice. The sons of the rich lie beneath the Army tent to-night side by side with the sons of the poor. To-morrow they will "go over the top " together, and their blood will mingle in the soil of France. Together they will bear the hardships and share the joys and sorrows that soldiers know and soldiers share when all the past matters not in the task that confronts them. The spirit of democracy will work its leaven among the boys over yonder, and who shall not say that when the conflict ends and America's young men come home to work out the problems of peace, a better humanity will dawn.

It is for us at home to stouten the hearts of those we send abroad; it is for us to see that needless blood shall not be sacrificed because we failed to provide for them; it is for us to see that they shall have a land to come back to when it is over, in which they may again take up the callings of peace, while opportunity for man to achieve and have holds wide the door for their returning; it is up to us while they are gone to keep aglow the hearthstone.

They may be gone "for a long, long time," but when they do come back let it be to a better America than they knew before their going, an America purged from avarice and selfish greed through the fires of a great sacrifice.

INDUSTRIAL SAFETY.

The subject of accident prevention, embodying also efficient and prompt first-aid care of the injured, has two distinct sides, viz, humanitarian and utilitarian. The needless waste of life and limb in modern industry may be reckoned first in human suffering and pain to the injured, loss of support to the dependents of the injured workmen second, loss in efficiency in production and aggregate production of the things necessary to man's comfort and welfare.

A careful estimate prepared by Dr. Frederick L. Hoffman, statistician of the Prudential Insurance Co. of America, shows that in 1916 there were approximately 22,000 persons killed in industrial accidents and that at least half a million were so seriously injured that they lost more than four weeks from work. * * In the past ten years if the number killed in accidents each year had been as low as it was in 1916, the lives of 220,000 industrial workers have been snuffed out. If that 220,000 had been buried in a single trench, side by side and shoulder to shoulder, that trench would now be more than 80 miles long and would have to be lengthened 8 miles each year to accommodate the remains of the poor unfortunates. * * If the hospital cots of those seri

ously injured in the 10 years could be placed end to end in a continuous, unbroken line, that line would completely cover a single railroad extending as far as from New York to San Francisco and back again.-Proceedings National Safety Council.

Statistical reports from the many States in which workman's compensation laws are operative show a very large percentage of accidents to be nonmechanical, accidents that might have been prevented by a proper understanding of the common rules of safety. Unquestionably many accidents occur because of the element of bodily or brain fatigue caused by excessive hours of excessive exertion, where the hand and brain lacks coordination for just that fraction of a second necessary for an accident to occur. Regulation of hours and other trade restrictions necessary to keep the workman in normal bodily and mental vigor during his hours of employment can prevent that class of accidents.

The class of accidents due, however, to ignorance of common rules of safety, or carelessness on the part of employee, or disregard of the necessity for intelligent study and application of "safety-first " rules and principles by employers, can be almost, if not entirely, eliminted. The problem must be approached by both employer and employee in a spirit of cooperation, a feeling that each is contributing to the thing most desired in industry-the preventing of preventable industrial accidents and the human conservation of life and limb.

In its relation to successful conduct of the war the question of industrial safety bears a new and tremendously important aspect. No war in history has made such calls upon the industrial worker. It is a war fought out in the machine shop, mills, and factories of America. If the men at the front can not be supplied with munitions and all the supplies needed to maintain an army at the front, opposed to the most scientifically equipped army ever known, then Germany wins. Every American workman withdrawn from industry by accident or death at a time when the maximum man power of America is needed, lessens just that much America's ability to keep that huge war machine in effective operation.

These stand to-day the safeguard of our Nation, and on their loyal service depends the success of our allied armies at the front, fighting our fight for humanity-for world democracy.-Proceedings National Safety Council.

ORGANIZED LABOR.

As a whole still unorganized for safety.

One would be shortsighted, indeed, if in this field alone he did not recognize a work well worth a lifetime of devotion.

As we see it, also, safety is but the entering wedge whereby a better understanding can be developed between the employer and the employee. With it must come a frank discussion of one vital problem, the solution of which works for their mutual benefit.

Having found that the cooperative plan really works for the good of all in this one instance, does it not stand to reason that the circle of application will grow, become larger and larger until, through faith in each other, the contending forces will be led out of the wilderness of strife and misunderstanding into the promised land of industrial peace-made a fact through a square deal for all-Lew R. Palmer, president National Safety Council.

WORK OF CONCILIATION BUREAU OF DEPARTMENT OF LABOR. [Fifth Annual Report of Secretary of Labor.]

WORK OF THE PRESENT YEAR.

On July 1, 1916, 21 mediation cases were pending and 357 additional requests for mediation have been made, bringing the total number for the fiscal year to 378. Of this number 248 cases have been adjusted, 47 proved impossible of adjustment, 41 were settled before arrival of the commissioner or disposed of without the Department's intervention, and 42 were pending at the close of the fiscal year.

These cases embraced controversies in nearly every State of the Union-in exact figures, 43 States, together with Alaska and Porto. Rico. From 5 States only came no requisition for the good offices of the Department.

A majority of the employers and employees involved in industrial controversies evinced a keen desire to secure the good offices of the Department of Labor through its conciliators, and to take advantage of the machinery created under that section of the organic law of the Department, the purpose of which in this field of its activities has been the fostering of industrial peace on a basis of industrial justice. During the four years the Division of Conciliation has been in existence the foundation has been laid to aid materially in the

quick adjustment of such disputes. It had been demonstrated that the intervention of an impartial third party in the person of a conciliator approved by the Department invariably has expedited the settlement of a dispute which had culminated in a strike or a lockout. In a large number of instances the conciliators have been able not only to bring about agreement in cases of existing differences--often arising from misunderstandings-but to avert the threatened strike altogether.

The anxiety of the Government, particularly at this time, for a full production from mine, mill, and factory in order that the war progress of the United States and our allies might be unhampered caused the commissioners of conciliation to strain every effort to secure satisfactory adjustments in all labor controversies, with the special purpose of preventing wherever possible any stoppage of work and consequent loss to the country in output and to the workers in wages. Vastly increased production has been thus facilitated. It is often the case that employers refuse to deal with committees representing their own employees; but even in these instances there never is a refusal to meet and discuss the merits of the dispute with the conciliators of the Department. The opportunity thus afforded each side to learn the real position taken by the other soon bears fruit. This knowledge, or glance over their respective fences, usually enables the conciliators, by tactfully impressing the mutuality of interest and such equity as exists in their respective claims, to reconcile the differences.

The success which has attended the Department's representatives in the great majority of disputes has been most gratifying. In many instances through the efforts of the Department strikes which would have involved thousands of workers engaged in great operations were quietly averted and industrial peace maintained. All this was accomplished without publicity and the consequent excitement which invariably attends industrial disturbances when heralded in the press. Great plants thus secured uninterrupted production for stated periods some of the agreements running for a year and others for the period of the war.

Requests for conciliators have come to the Department from governmental agencies as well as from unofficial employers and employees. These applications increased fourfold in an amazingly brief period following the declaration of war. The encouraging element developed in almost all these controversies was the sincere desire evidenced on all sides not to proceed to such extremes as would result in an embarrassment to the Government. The Department's representatives fostered this spirit to the utmost, and thus were able to render vital services at a critical time.

The Department and its commissioners of conciliation have rendered every assistance possible and cooperated to the fullest extent in the adjustment of controversies affecting all matters brought to its attention by the Department of War, the Department of the Navy, the Council of National Defense, the Shipping Board, and the War Industries Board, as well as by all other commissions which have been created for the conduct of the war. In every instance the sole purpose and policy of the Department has been to secure the results desired, namely, the settlement of all controversies in order

that industrial peace may reign--a condition most beneficial in times of peace, but of vital importance in time of war. It has been the policy of the Department of Labor not to endeavor to impose its viewpoint upon either the worker or the management in any dispute that may arise, but rather to find some basis mutually acceptable even though it may not be mutually satisfactory. In other words, the work of mediation is not a judicial work; it is not a judicial function; it is not to hear both sides and then determine the rights and wrongs of the situation, or to pass judgment and then enforce its decision. The work is diplomatic rather than judicial, and it is in that spirit that problems of conciliation in labor controversies are approached.

In line with this purpose the conciliators often are able to remove the barriers which prevent employers and employees meeting on common ground, and thus the way is paved for more friendly relations and a broader grasp of their respective rights. The ract is brought home that there is another side, and even in the absence of immediate success the seed has been sown which bears fruit in some modification of working conditions or a greater consideration for the human rights of employees and a better understanding of problems which harass employers.

Labor has discovered that it has a standing in the Government machinery of its country whenever its demands are based on its industrial and constitutional rights. Employers, on the other hand, have found in the Department a defender against unreasonable

exaction.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S DECLARATION OF WAR AIMS.

OUR PROGRAM.

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.

II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed, in whole or in part, by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.

III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.

IV. Adequate guaranties given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.

V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the Government whose title is to be determined.

VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest. cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent

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