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The officer in the left foreground with sword drawn is Prince Li of Korea, who, as a member of the Japanese Imperial Guard, is gaining military experience PICTURES OF THE FORCES THAT MAY ENTER SIBERIA

Grand Maneuvers, held a few weeks ago. They are of special interest and timeliness in view of the fact that either General Otani or General land in Siberia, and that event may happen before this issue of The Outlook reaches its readers

the election took place, some votes being challenged, some votes sworn in; and the lesson was so thoroughly learned that in that spring election as many women as men voted, and not one woman's vote had to be thrown out.

We ought to add, to avoid any possible misapprehension, that all of these movements were initiated before the editorial in

The Outlook was published. We cannot, therefore, claim the honor of having had any share in bringing them about. We hope that this publication may stimulate other communities to organize similar education classes, and we should like to see them so organized and carried on that men as well as women could get the benefit of them.




HE struggle of a few weeks ago in Congress for a War Cabinet has faded in the distance. Things have waked up in the inner circle in Washington since it happened, and there is far more deference in the matter of letting the country know what is going on. And there is more chance for the really powerful civilian personalities who are at work in Washington to have a free hand in their important service. Of course the War Cabinet idea never had a look-in towards fulfillment while the President was opposed.

It is futile in a time like this to make a prolonged fight for any particular form of machinery, anyway. If Stettinius and Hoover and Hurley and Goethals and men of that sort can have their energies fully released, that is what the country is after. It is the opportunity for the effectiveness of the human element that counts, and not any particular kind of machinery.

Nevertheless the War Cabinet plan had the germ of need and truth in it all right. What is demanded more than any thing else in Washington this minute is a small group of men who are free to think, and nothing else, and to form their conclusions each day from the expert information of the day. Then the Administration would not again and again bump up against trouble which might have been foreseen. There is nothing Washington needs so much as pre-vision about the organization of material things. And it does not make a bit of difference where these pre-visioners are located provided they are free to think and to put their thinking across. The latest device seems to be to make assistant secretaries of some of them in the War Department. All right, let them sit on top of the Washington Monument-anywhere-only give pre-vision in material, mundane, military matters a chance to show what it can do. Washington is short on thinkers and long on men of energy running around in circles.

There is a real War Cabinet in Washington, anyway, and there has been all along-the "reg'lar fellers "-and, I suppose, that is one reason the President resented the new idea so keenly. The real War Cabinet are Wilson, McAdoo, Baker, and Daniels. And perhaps I ought to add Gompers. But, not being exactly a "reglar feller," I suppose he must be listed among the extraordinarily effective civilian outsiders. And Secretary Lane must not be forgotten, with his far-reaching plans for an effective mastery of our natural internal resources while the war lasts and a greater America when the war is done. But I am talking about the central intensive power group. And they are Wilson, McAdoo, Baker, and Daniels.

To begin with Daniels. Whatever the newspapers may have said of him in the past, he is a good old scout, And an efficient old scout-the country has at last learned that. He was lucky to get his dose of criticism early. And don't you doubt that he profited by it. Most of the criticism was undeserved, anyway. He may have been a little over-stiff in the backbone in his suspicions about munition profiteers-that is a trait that runs through the whole inner Administration circle. It is a trait that can be overworked in a crisis, but the country does not reckon it to be a bad trait. And Daniels insisted upon liquor being kept out of the Navy on grounds of efficiency and safety. It is too late in the day to put a twenty-million-dollar superdreadnought under the control of a booze brain. And the country is just learning that efficiency is good old scout Daniels's middle name. The Navy afloat and the naval departments at home are in charge of young, eager, virile, efficient Americans. And Daniels picked most of them and put them

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there. And he does not seem to have been fooled much in his information or his insight about men. He is rated high in Washington for acute human penetration. And it is the human side of Daniels which is most attractive. He has fine sympathies and splendid horse sense. His enemies say he is not the greatest man in the United States. Well, who is?

And next take Baker. Not yet forty-seven, short, blackhaired, clean-shaven, still youthful in appearance. A man whose mind, I judge, runs far more easily among the idealistic moralities than among the sheer brutalisms of things necessary to put the moralities across. Not a man perhaps who might have been selected for Secretary of War if war had been on when he was selected. But just then the President was keeping us out of war. Strangely enough, if my memory serves me right, Baker came into office within a day of the Villa raid. That must have been a rude awakening for a man who normally hates war. Not that Baker is a mollycoddle. Far from it. Ask the city of Cleveland. Ask the men who tried to get the Cleveland water-front away from the people. I can understand why Wilson likes him. He has a mind that works like chain lightning, a fair mind, a scholar's mind, but full of rich human experience, a good mixer, a liberal. I think very likely he has been until recently too complacent about his Department and its activities. The War Department is a harder job than the Navy, and is normally not in as good order. And in sifting men out and in the development of the "follow-up" system to see that things in the whole war organization are fit and right, the Army seems to have fallen considerably behind the Navy. The great contribution which Baker has made to the country is the human welfare environment of the army camps. There has been nothing like that among armies in the history of the world. And if-which may God forbid!-America should be, in the course of events, estopped from bringing her whole power of sacrifice to bear in this conflict upon the cause of civilization and freedom, the very safety of the country for the future would lie in the deliberate retention of universal training, and the carrying out of the Baker idea on its social and industrial as well as military side into the immediate physical. mental, and moral disciplining of the Nation. And my judgment is that if the purely militaristic ideal were safeguarded by the social and vocational check, there would be little opposition from men like Baker and those who think as he does about pure militarism in the United States. To say that Baker is a pacifist by nature, as Senator Weeks did in Congress, is absurd. Any way, Mrs. Baker isn't, judging by the words of a song I noticed she sang yesterday to the men at Camp Meade : "We are ready now to serve, Uncle Sam,

We have money, men, and nerve, Uncle Sam,
We will stick through thick and thin till we shut them in Berlin,
For, by God, we're going to win, Uncle Sam.
Let the eagle flap his wings, Uncle Sam ;
These are sorry days for kings, Uncle Sam,
And the Kaiser and his crew will be missing when they're through
With the old Red, White, and Blue, Uncle Sam."

And take McAdoo. Now, I am not nominating anybody for the Presidency. As a Republican who believes that the Repul lican party, under liberal leadership, has naturally a far larger proportion of efficient men in it for the purposes of government. I shall be acquitted of any subtle leading interest in Democratic candidates. But, next to President Wilson, his esteemed son-inlaw, William Gibbs MeAdoo, does as much thinking for the

United States as any man in the inner circle at Washington. He is the kind of man who keeps a pad and pencil by his bed and wakes up very early in the morning and writes a letter to the President with new ideas in it which he thinks ought to be put across. And, phew! how easy it is to get the President to read it! McAdoo is a thinker with a mind that works day and night. And a constructive thinker, too. He woke up in the night with a merchant shipping programme in his brain in the very month of 1914 in which war was declared. And he secured the assent of the President and tried to get his programme through at once, but it was long afterwards before the men of conservative mind of both parties in Congress saw the need. And the final success of the Federal Reserve Act and the democratization of that Act-that was McAdoo and Wilson. And now the Governmental control and operation of railways-the DirectorGeneral is McAdoo. The railway is a problem that he has studied for many years, and he had far less trepidation in tackling it than he had about entering upon his duties as Secretary of the Treasury. McAdoo has not the reputation of being beloved of some New York financiers nor of the conservatives in

the Senate, but it would be very illuminating if the country could get the sweep and power of his personality in his recent testimony before the Senate Committee on Finance or the InterState and Foreign Commerce Committees of Congress. He bowled all his cross-examiners over as easily as if he were the original expert in ten-strikes.

The distinguished head of the power group is the President. And with the verdict of history upon the mental method and inner nature of his great personality, of course the record of the whole power group will stand or fall. He is now the master interpreter of the practical international moralities. Thus Europe acclaims him. Did he orient himself in the international crisis too late? Was a man of quicker instinctive insight needed in the leadership of the country? His supporters everywhere maintain that he was at all times fully abreast of the rapidly broadening conviction of the Nation, and that for weal or woe no faster progress toward the salvage of the world could have been made than was made under his leadership. If the world is saved, that judgment of his supporters will stand in history. Washington, February 26, 1918.


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OOMING up on the horizon of National consciousness is the possibility of a negotiated peace-what William Roscoe Thayer' has warned us against as a "Judas Peace." The people realize its presence, they shrink from it as from a monstrous spiritual menace, they loathe it as the thing that may make all of their chivalry and sacrifice vain, they dread it as the one and only door through which dishonor can come to the American name, they feel instinctively that its only legacy to the world will be a "potter's field." They feel, however, that it is possible, and this is beginning to fall like a nightmare upon the National spirit. They know that many apparently altruistic reasons can be given for wooing its closer approach. They understand that its ultimate disaster to mankind can be hidden under immediate humanitarian sophistries. For Americans are in the war body, mind, soul, wealth, and they do not want and do not mean to crawl out of the war until the one object for which they entered it has been achieved-to crush militaristic autocracy, or, in President Wilson's admirable phrase, "to make the world safe for democracy." Their decision is final, and they will damn any form of diplomacy which seeks to deflect them from that splendid dedication.

But this feeling is instinctive, intuitive, and inarticulate; the people need to be interpreted to themselves. When they see in clear and concise words the sentiments and convictions which are stirring in their minds and hearts they give quick and emphatic assent. Upto the delivery of his "Fourteen Points" speech of January 8, 1918, President Wilson was the clarion voice that spoke for the people; his speech of that date and his address of February 11, 1918, they are not quite able to harmonize. This does not mean that the people have abated their loyalty to the President, but simply that for the time being he has ceased to speak their language. He may not have made himself perfectly clear, or the people may have failed to understand his object. Nevertheless they feel that the measured tones of diplomacy used in the January and February speeches are not the outpouring of their souls.

In the first place, the American people are convinced that even if Austria-Hungary seems to be more compliant and reasonable to-day it is only a pose assumed at the dictation of Germany. As late as December, 1917, Count Czernin made this significant and conclusive statement:

We are fighting for the defense of Germany, just as Germany is fighting for our defense. In this respect I know no territorial boundaries. If any one should ask whether we are fighting for

The distinguished American historian whose "Life of Cavour" is now the standard and authoritative work on the achievement of Italian unity and popular iberty. His article entitled "Beware of a Judas Peace' appeared in the Saturday Evening Post for February 16.

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Alsace-Lorraine, I would reply yes; we are fighting for AlsaceLorraine, just as Germany is fighting for us and fought for Lemberg and Trieste. I know no difference between Strassburg and Trieste.

Those words give America its ultimatum: the Hohenzollerns and the Hapsburgs have an indissoluble pact. France is never to have Alsace-Lorraine and Italy is never to have Trieste on any terms.


According to Chancellor von Hertling, Germany is still more resolute in the matter of territory, for he said late in January, We will never permit ourselves to be robbed of AlsaceLorraine." And, unless we have entirely misunderstood his speech, von Hertling would not even discuss the question of Belgium until the Allies are ready to accept unconditionally the integrity of all enemy territory as "the only possible foundation for peace negotiations." That is, we must abandon the Arabs and Armenians and Syrians to the gracious and gentle ministrations of Turkey before Germany will even talk about evacuating Belgium and northern France. To speak of peace terms, with Germany still in that mood, is as if a lamb were to discuss internal politics with a lion.


The Chancellor's speech before the Reichstag February 25 was more subtle but infinitely more dangerous. Von Hertling verbally assented to President Wilson's "Four Principles," given February 11, but in such a way that his only purpose could have been to drive a wedge between the United States and Great Britain. England, he contends, must agree to Mr. Wilson's phrase, “All well-defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction," by giving up Ireland, Egypt, and India before Germany can put the Four Principles" into effect and evacuate Belgium. It looks as if two were playing the same game of "driving the wedge," and von Hertling had all the advantage. In the meantime Germany is eating her way into the heart of Russia and knocking the Ten Commandments and international law to smithereens. Forty-three months have passed since Germany began to smash laws, human and divine, on the Belgian frontier-forty-three months of perfidy, outrage, and dishonor, forty-three months without a single virtue to redeem the black record and yet some are willing to listen to the voice of Berlin as though it were the voice of an equal!

President Wilson sent his reply to his Holiness Pope Benedict XV, on August 27, 1917, and the concluding paragraph stands out as the mind of America then and the mind of America now:

We cannot take the word of the present rulers of Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unless explicitly

THE supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and purpose of the German people themselves as the other peoples of the world would be justified in accepting. Without such guarantees treaties of settlement, agreements for disarmament, covenants to set up arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjustments, reconstitutions of small nations, if made with the German Government, no man, no nation, could now depend on. We must await some new evidence of the purposes of the great peoples of the Central Powers. God grant it may be given, and in a way to restore the confidence of all peoples everywhere in the faith of nations and the possibility of a covenanted peace.


What have the people of the Central Powers done recently that might restore confidence? A momentary strike on regulation trade-union lines in Germany, and doubtless much magnified by the German censor in transmission for its effect on American morale! Germany gay with bunting over the latest and most dastardly perfidy of German autocracy-the indecent rape of prostrate Russia! President Wilson described Germany, December 4, 1917, as "the German Power, a Thing without conscience or honor or capacity for covenanted peace." Germany is still that, and has proved it in its cowardly and conscienceless treatment of Russia since the opening of 1918. Let us understand clearly what has occurred: Russia went into the Brest-Litovsk parley on the explicit understanding of negotiating peace on the basis of "no annexations, no indemnities, and the self-determination of peoples." Germany, in entering the conference, accepted the terms. Germany began to haggle about Poland and Courland. Lenine and Trotsky were helpless, vacillating, and inefficient. The Bolsheviki hesitated, wavered, and surrendered. True, they did not make peace, but they declared the war to be at an end, and began to demobilize the Russian armies. Then Germany boldly threw off the mask and marched her waiting forces on a four-hundred-mile front straight into Russia, paying no more attention to the selfdetermination of the Russian or Polish peoples than a snake pays to the self-determination of a fatally fascinated birdvon Hertling's subsequent statement concerning Courland and Poland to the contrary notwithstanding.

Germany has changed since August, 1914, only for the worse. Every vile and disreputable and treacherous thing that a nation could do Germany has done and in deepening degree as the months have passed. If America enters into any kind of negotiations for peace with an undefeated Germany, America will be tricked and betrayed even as Russia has been. While Germany has a sword in her hand she is incapable of a covenanted peace. And if Germany can trick and betray America through the simulated compliance of Austria, Germany will surely do it. And some of the American people are afraid that the first innings of the game are being played.

In the second place, the American people are resolutely determined to overthrow the militaristic autocracy of Germany. President Wilson fixed that determination in the mind and soul of the Nation in a series of magnificent addresses and state papers during the first nine months of the war. By that determination the people now stand and they refuse to abate it in any degree; for they know that a peace made on any other terms will be a decisive German victory. The Allies are in no position to barter; Germany has swept up most of the stakes and has abrogated all the rules of the game. Belgium, northern France, Serbia, most of Rumania, northern Italy, and all of eastern Russia are in Germany's hands. To offset all of these the Allies hold only a few remote and potentially valuable colonies which Germany was just beginning to develop. If the war should end now by negotiation, France would not receive AlsaceLorraine--German victory! If the war should end now, Italy would not recover Trieste and the Austrian outlying lands inhabited by Italian people German victory! If the war should end now, German influence would be paramount through Middle Europe and at least as far as the Taurus MountainsGerman victory! If the war should end now, Serbia, Montenegro, and Rumania would remain at the mercy of AustriaHungary and Turkey-German victory! If the war should end now, there would be no chance of the southern Slavonic peoples coming to any form of self-determining nationality-German victory! If the war should end now, ruthless submarine warfare against neutrals, aerial bombardment of unfortified places,

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the misuse of prisoners of war, and a score of other atrocities would be justified as the successful means to an end-German victory! That is, whatever withdrawals there might be from Belgium and northern France, and whatever compensation might be paid for the destruction of property in those areas, nevertheless Germany would be the unmistakable victor in the war and would be satisfied with the achievement. This the American people cannot contemplate and will not tolerate.

Beyond these considerations, Americans realize that we went into the war for something very different from territorial technicalities. They know that we went into the war for a purpose much greater than to protect our own invaded or violated rights. While it is true that the specific grounds for our action were enumerated as the sinking of our vessels, the destruction of the property of our citizens, restrictions put upon our commerce, and the killing of Americans while they were exercising their rights of travel upon the high seas, the Nation realized that we had become the champion of things more universal. In the President's words on April 2, 1917:

We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a Government, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic gov ernments of the world. We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty, and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the Nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.

Nothing has changed the situation since that fateful day except such additional acts of autocratic brutality and lawlessness as but strengthen our purpose. We have come to see that the war cannot be won unless we win it, and democracy cannot remain domiciled in the world unless our might makes its tenure secure. A negotiated peace at this time, or in the near future, means that all the heroic and sacrificial endeavors of our allies will have gone for naught. No matter how great our horror at the the thought of our sons and brothers falling thick upon battlefield, we are so placed now that we cannot assume the initiative in negotiating peace without meriting the shame of having deserted Belgium, France, Britain, and Serbia after they have poured out their life on our behalf. Four hundred miles of blood-sodden land, from the North Sea to the Swiss border, has become the only line of honor on which Americans can stand. The story of Louvain and Liège makes Thermopyla seem pale; shall all that Belgian crimson splendor go for naught? Shall the imperishable deeds of the Marne and Verdun be thrown away in a lusterless barter? Shall Ypres and the Somme be counted as the last forlorn hope of the Anglo-Saxon while we dicker for immunity, protected by the British fleet? Americans will not have it so; we must go on, though the costs be staggering; we must and shall go on until our armies have broken the frightful power of the Hohenzollern and the Hap burg, and until with pride we can hand to our allies the rights and franchises of liberty to which we ourselves lay claim. A negotiated peace with this unaccomplished would be treason to humanity.

In the third place, Americans are asking why this talk of a negotiated peace should be creeping through the land. They know it cannot have sprung from the Marquis of Lansdowne's indiscreet letter of November 30, 1917. Are there any reasons why America should move for peace by negotiation? If so, the people ought to know them immediately. As no authoritative statement has been given, guesses have been freely made. They are somewhat as follows:

1. That German propaganda has penetrated America through pacifists, through Austria's simulation, and through such channels as Ireland, Holland, and the Vatican; and that it has succeeded in modifying the stern front America presented to the Central Powers up to the close of 1917.

This surmise is the most difficult of all to disprove, because we have had no ringing declaration of our primal dedication since the beginning of the present year. If President Wilson would announce to the people that every phrase and sentence of his thrilling speech of December 4, 1917, still stands, unmodu lated and unabated and unglossed, we could say without a quaver that we shall go on until the Teuton demon is exorcised

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from the body politic of the world. Americans continue to quote from the December 4 speech :

Let it be said again that autocracy must first be shown the utter futility of its claims to power or leadership in the modern world. It is impossible to apply any standard of justice so long as such forces are unchecked and undefeated as the present masters of Germany command. Not until that has been done can right be set up as arbiter and peacemaker among the nations. But when that has been done-as, God willing, it assuredly will be-we shall at last be free to do an unprecedented thing, and this is the time to avow our purpose to do it. We shall be free to base peace on generosity and justice to the exclusion of all selfish claims to advantage even on the part of the victors.

Let there be no misunderstanding. Our present and immediate task is to win the war, and nothing shall turn us aside until it is accomplished. Every power and resource we possess, whether of men, or money, or of materials, is being devoted to that purpose until it is achieved. Those who desire to bring peace about before that purpose is achieved I counsel to carry their advice elsewhere. We will not entertain it.

So, if President Wilson has not absolutely and radically changed his mind since last December, it is certain that the German peace propaganda must be in vain. And the people of America still stand dedicated upon the President's platform: "Our present and immediate task is to win the war, and nothing shall turn us aside until it is accomplished." "Not until that has been done can right be set up as arbiter and peacemaker among the nations." We will talk peace only when the militaristic autocracy admits defeat.

2. That France and Great Britain are reaching the point where they cannot depend upon the loyalty of labor at home, therefore an early peace on the best possible terms should be negotiated-America opening the way.

This rumor is contrary to the facts. On December 19, 1917, the Socialist group in the French Chamber of Deputies sent a letter to their fellow-Socialists in Russia pleading with the revolutionists not to betray their allies by making a separate peace with Germany. They wrote: "And we French Socialists, who find in the seriousness of events and in the consciousness of our responsibilities the inspiration for these friendly declarations, we do not hesitate to say to you: we also realize the extent of our duties. French Socialists will do nothing to weaken the resistance of the army and people of France, but rather strengthen the morale of both, and forcefully implore the Allied Governments that they clearly indicate by actions their oft-repeated declarations that they are fighting because they are attacked, and that they would obtain no peace other than that of right." Never for a moment has the French Government found reason for doubting the continued loyalty of the French Socialists.

So far as British labor is concerned, the decision of the British Labor party on December 28 seemed to be so final that it was accepted by the Inter-Allied Labor Conference in London on February 22, on which occasion Leader Arthur Henderson said: "We are willing to negotiate with the enemy, but not with an olive branch in our hands while he clutches a sword in both of his. No, we look into the future and regard the problem with the seriousness and importance it demands. Both sides must be prepared to accept a solution which will have for its main object the destruction of militarism." After the experience of the Bolsheviki with German treachery it is quite safe to say that neither French nor British labor will play the Kaiser's game, by faltering in allegiance to its own Government.

3. That American military authorities, after a survey of the battle-ground, believe that the German front is too strong to be broken and the German army is too strong to be defeated.

If that is true, some one whose word cannot be doubted should announce the decision to the American people at once, and in terms blunt and clear. If it is true that all the skill and resources of France, Great Britain, and Italy, plus all the skill and resources of the United States, cannot break the German power, then the sooner we know it the better. It means that democracy has failed in the presence of autocracy, that might is stronger than right, that liberty and justice can continue in the world only on sufferance granted by tyranny. If it is true,

we ought to know it immediately, and abandon our futile dreams and settle down to the nasty but inevitable business of living as serfs.

But the American people will never accept such a conclusion, and they will never sanction a negotiated peace on the assumption that it is true. Possibly the war may not be won in 1918, but if not then it may be won in 1919, and even if not then 1920 will see the achievement. We have at least twenty million men of fighting age available for the front lines, and by 1919 or 1920 we can have them so adequately equipped and munitioned that they will ultimately crush the German front like an eggshell. That is, we have everything necessary for finally defeating autocracy, and we would rather take two, three, or four years of unparalleled effort in doing it than to bring our soldiers home and leave the brutal Kaiser to stride across Europe and Asia chanting his hymn of hate and blasphemously appropriating the Almighty while he and his kin wallow in blood and lust. We are going to win this war in fair fight or brand ourselves as cowards and defaulters for all time.

4. That our Government is falling down in the matter of war equipment production-shipping, munitions, armament, aircraft and an early negotiated peace would hide our shame and save our face.

Perhaps there have been vacillation and confusion, misdirec tion and fossilization, in some of our departments; perhaps we may fail to keep our schedule in ship-building or machine guns or high explosives or aircraft; perhaps the stupidity of our two years and a half of false security and unpreparedness may exact an awful toll in flesh and blood; perhaps all these things and more. But France was not ready when hell broke over her, and England paid for her prejudice against modern high explosives to the extent of a quarter of a million precious lives. We cannot flinch and falter as a Nation because some of our bureaucrats blundered. We dare not betray the world future of democracy because some of our officials tumbled over their office furniture.

Washington had blunders and blunderers enough to contend with, God knows; but he did not negotiate peace until Cornwallis proffered the hilt of his sword at Yorktown. Lincoln had deficiencies and inefficiencies enough, God knows; but he set his face like a flint against a negotiated peace until Lee stood in unconditional surrender at Appomattox. That was the breed of the men who gave America its proud place among the nations and predestinated it to be the savior of democracy, and it will be hard to persuade Americans that the strain has faded out of the race. It was only after the maximum of deliberation that America entered the war, and with the maximum of determination America will stay in the war. We will correct our mistakes, repair our blunders, speed up our machinery, redouble our energy, multiply our sacrifices, and we will stay with our gallant allies, encouraging them and reinforcing them, until we crush what President Wilson has called "the German power, a Thing without conscience or honor or capacity for covenanted peace.'

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Lead on, Mr. President, lead on to the battlefield; a united, dedicated Nation will follow you. Lead on to victory; the eyes of the entire world are focused on you and the hopes of all the peoples for ages to come are dependent on your resolution. Lead on, and fulfill the pledges which America gave to God as they fell from your lips in your great speeches of 1917.

[Press despatches from correspondents in Washington who are close to the Administration have appeared in the daily papers saying that President Wilson is about to declare to Congress, the country, and the world that Germany's evident purpose of territorial conquest in Russia shows the necessity of overthrowing her band of autocratic and militaristic rulers by the power of the Allied armies. Such a declaration by the President may be made before this issue of The Outlook reaches our readers. We earnestly hope so. It seems to us the only conclusion to which enlightened statesmanship can come. Reason has been appealed to without success. The final appeal is to the sword. A final and conclusive declaration to this effect by the President would be welcomed and loyally supported throughout the country.-THE EDITORS.]

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