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not been Kaisered or Krupped or hurried in the least. There is no danger that heaven will be Teutonized.

"The shouting and the tumult dies—

The captains and the kings depart-
Still stands Thine ancient sacrifice,
An humble and a contrite heart.
Lord God of hosts, be with us yet,
Lest we forget-lest we forget."

Lest we forget the innumerable dead who have nobly died, and the host of the living who with a just and common sense and love of honor have sent them forth to die. Lest we forget that we and our allies have not been above reproach; that there were signs of decadence among us-in the growing love of ease and idleness, in the tango dance of literature and lust, in the exaltation of pleasure, in a very definite degeneration of our moral fiber.

Lest we forget that our spirit is being purified in the furnace

of war and the shadow of death. Do you remember the protest of those poilus when some unclean plays were sent to the battlefront for their entertainment?

"We are not pigs "-that was the message they sent back. Lest we forget that the spirit of man has been lifted up out of the mud and dust of the battle-lines, out of the body tortured with pain and weariness and vermin, out of the close companionship of the dead into high association on the bloody altar of liberty and sacrifice.

Lest we forget that the spirit of our own boys shall be thus lifted up, and our duty to put our house in order and make it a fit place for them to live in when they shall have returned to it from battlefields swept, as a soldier has written, by the cleansing winds of God.

The most sublime and beautiful thing the world has ever seen is the common sense of the common men and women of the civilized nations of to-day.



Millions of the subjects of Austria-Hungary, with which we are at war, are openly our allies. There are thousands of subjects of AustriaHungary in this country who are technically enemy aliens, but who are eager to fight against Austria-Hungary for the liberation of their oppressed compatriots. Are we to tell these people in Austria-Hungary and in our own land that they and their subjugated fellows shall remain under the yoke? This article gives facts that will help to answer that question. The author has traveled, as student, as war correspondent, and as Chief of Section in the French Ambulance Service successively, five times through Austria-Hungary and the Balkans. He is author of a volume on Serbia and the Southern Slavs entitled "Le Yougoslavie" (published by Payot, Paris, 1916), and of a volume entitled "Young France and the New America" (published by the Macmillan Company, New York, December, 1917). THE EDITORS.


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F you ask an Englishman what his nation is he will answer, "England." A Spaniard will say, "Spain." A German will say, Germany." But if you ask a subject of Emperor Carl, What is your nationality?" he will tell you, "Rumanian," or "Slovak," or "Pole," or something else. And if you ask, "Who is your Sovereign?" he will have to say, "The King of Hungary. And where does he live?" "In Austria."


In such a country there is intense national feeling for the provincial group or the racial family-there is none for the Empire itself. How could there be? Let me tell of a little typical AustroHungarian incident which occurred during a battle. An Austrian archduke, surrounded by his staff, which included officers from various provinces, was watching a critical movement of the day. A soldier came running up, and, waving his arm, explained something which seemed to be of great importance. The archduke, who spoke only German, turned to his chief of staff, who was a Magyar, and said: "I suppose this man is speaking Hungarian. Do translate his words to me." The chief of staff listened, and said: “I don't get a word, and I understand Croatian also. Maybe it is Rumanian dialect." He turned to an aide-de-camp: •You ou are a Latin, and can understand this, can't you?" "General, this man is neither Rumanian nor Italian." A Czech officer was not happier, nor was the Polish doctor who accompanied the staff. After trying two or three more nationalities, the archduke had to give up and send the man to some professional interpreter at the rear to have his message translated. Evidently some province of the monarchy was not represented on the staff, and that soldier was disloyal enough to have been been born there -luckily for the enemy, too.

Let us look at a map. This will tell more than a long text. I mean a map showing the boundaries of language as spoken by the majority of the people in a given region. Language there corresponds rather accurately to national traditions, customs, and aspirations. So this is a map of the real nationalities in Austria-Hungary; moreover, the term "nationality" is officially


But, instead of normal federation with rights equal for all, what we find is a "dual monarchy" under the scepter of the Emperor of Austria, also King of Hungary. These two ruling groups, the Germans of Austria and the Magyars of Hungary, who together do not represent forty-four per cent of the total population, are in control of the whole by a system of hegemony which has persisted until our times from the remote epochs of Middle-Age feudalism. While Germany (with the exception of Alsace-Lorraine, the Poles, and the Danes) is German, speaks German, and wants its unity, each fraction of the Austrian

Empire wants autonomy and works for it. All the forces acting there are forces of disintegration.

How did such an aggregate stand together so long? And how are those millions of men still fighting for a system that they reject? There are two main reasons- one interior, the other exterior.

What first created Austria-Hungary was the danger of the Turks, who were still powerful and conquering in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. All Christian forces united against the common foe. The Hapsburg dynasty then managed to centralize all leadership, and for that purpose it divided and excited against each other the various groups; the Government of Vienna always knew how to rouse the fears and hostilities in such a manner that petty struggles and local antagonisms were substituted for the normal evolution of the political parties.

On the other hand, there were the powerful action of Germany, which wanted to keep her influence in the East; the presence of Russia, which did not tolerate the dismemberment of autocracies; and the consent of Europe, which was afraid of a general conflagration in case Austria-Hungary should go to pieces.

These two series of reasons have maintained the Empire until the present epoch; it is like a paradox, an animal from antediluvian times, in the midst of a modern ety of nations. What is its condition to-day, and how did the European war affect it?

On the eve of the war, in 1914, Austria-Hungary was rapidly running toward decomposition, and we have not to look further for an immediate cause of the war itself. Here was a large country, indispensable to Germany for her policy in the East, in which the spirit of emancipation had rapidly taken on alarming proportions. The eight million Czechs in Bohemia and Moravia had always been a fighting, indomitable group. The Serbian victories in the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 had stimulated the spirit of independence among the southern Slavs, who all speak the Serbian language and are of Serbian race. Austria sent her ultimatum to Serbia in July, 1914, because she could no more resist the separatist tendencies of her own people, and she needed to crush their hopes by crushing the little independent nation with which they wanted to unite. So many other faciers have interposed since then that one easily forgets that this was the direct cause of the world war.

Austria-Hungary suffered heavily from the war; when left to herself, she was successively invaded by the Russians in Galicia, by the Serbians in Bosnia, by the Italians in Carniola, by the Rumanians in Transylvania. But each time the German help came in time and the defeat was followed by some vic

Taken together, this map (drawn for The Outlook) and this cartoon (reprinted by courtesy of the Chicago "Herald," for which it was drawn) graphically describe the artificial political creature called Austria-Hungary. Each of the groups indicated on the map by distinctive markings has a language, a tradition, a tissue of custom and ideals, of its own. The Bohemians, dwelling in a fertile land, have been a liberty-loving people. They and the Slovaks belong together. Their cousins, the southern Slavs, are also lovers of liberty; and those within this Empire belong (as the arrows on the map indicate) with the southern Slavs outside the Empire-namely, the Serbians and Montenegrins. To the east the Rumans of Transylvania (as an arrow there also indicates) belong with the Rumans of Rumania. The Austrian Poles belong with the Poles under other yokes; and the Ruthenes belong with those of Russia. As the cartoonist indicates, these people are all harnessed to the chariot of Pan-Germany. The German Kaiser drives; but lets the Emperor of Austria sit beside him as a footman. The man who drew this picture, Otakar Valasek, the Chicago" Herald's" chief cartoonist, is a Bohemian, and he knew what he was drawing. He is thirty-two years old, and has been in this country fifteen years.

Of the peoples of Austria-Hungary the following are the round figures according to the official census of 1910:

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torious blow at the invader who was bringing freedom to his brothers inside the monarchy. To-day the Austrian territory is practically recovered, at a terrible cost. But what is the internal situation of the Empire?

First, let us try to sum up the claims of the various national parties.

The Czechs are a typical example of national resistance. Living in Bohemia (Austria), they want to form, together with the Slovaks of Hungary, an independent state. For a long time they had disagreements with other Slavic groups on matters of political tactics. But now they seem to march hand in hand with the Jugoslavs.

The Jugoslavs (or southern Slavs) include the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, living in the provinces of Bosnia, Dalmatia, Croatia, etc. There are seven millions within the limits of the monarchy. Their groups had been working separately for a long time toward autonomy and unity with Serbia and Montenegro. Now they have come to a completely common programme, and their claim has been expressed in the Declaration of Corfu (1916) by their delegates who had escaped from Austria-Hungary and by the present Serbian Government. One may say that the Declaration of Corfu has created, or rather revealed, a large western nation including more than twelve million souls. Count Tisza, when Hungarian Premier, tried to have the Croatian Diet disavow this declaration. Not one Deputy was willing to do so.

The Poles have been the most conciliatory to Vienna. Their condition was better than the condition of the Poles in Germany and Russia, because the Austrian Government was using them to maintain the balance against other parties. But they are Poles first. They show more and more distrust of the Government, and protest against the military requisitions imposed upon their country (Galicia), which has had so much to suffer from war and invasion.

The Rumanians who have been oppressed for years by the Hungarians had a moment of great hope when the armies of Rumania invaded their territory. That hope vanished when Rumania had to retreat.

The Ruthenes have claimed unity with the Ukrainians from Russia, who belong to the same race.

As for the Italians, the "Irredenti" of Trieste and the Trentino, everybody knows the fervor of their desire to be united with their brothers from Italy.

We come now to the two ruling groups, Germans and Magyars. One thing binds them, and one thing only; it is their common enterprise of subjugation over other races. Otherwise they have only motives for disagreement. Hungarians have fought for their independence against the Austrians. But to-day they refuse to the other races, more fiercely than the Germans themselves, the freedom that they have been claiming for themselves. There have been during the war some tendencies towards federalization in the policy of Austrian rulers. Count Tisza, in Budapest, then asked in a tragic tone, "Is everything permitted in Austria?" A source of bitter anxiety also is the financial situation. The Empire has been made so absolutely dependent on Germany that should Germany withdraw her help there would be immediate disaster. Meanwhile the Austrian exchange is far below the German one in neutral countries.

Nevertheless Austrians and Magyars possess hegemony and cling to it. And as it became impossible to maintain it in the present crisis, they had to carry on war against their own subjects. This is no exaggeration if we look at the facts:

Among civilians alone, as early as January, 1916, the "Neues Wiener Tageblatt " announced a total of 3,463 capital executions of Austro-Hungarian citizens (800 in Bosnia, 720 in Bohemia). Of course this was only the beginning.

In Bohemia" the most notorious case of military disaffection is that of the Twenty-eighth Czech Regiment (the Children of Prague'), which left for the front singing a famous Panslav hymn which contains a verse in honor of the Russians and French as friends against the Germans. They also carried a banner bearing an inscription to the effect that we are marching against the Russians, but nobody knows why.' At an early opportunity the regiment passed over, officers and men together, to the Russians. On April 17, 1915, an army order was issued proclaiming its

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disgrace and temporary dissolution. Similar incidents occurred in the Eighth, Thirtieth, Eighty-eighth, and One Hundred and Second Regiments, and in the Eleventh Regiment of Landwehr. Decimation has been frequent, and if the number of military executions ever becomes known it will be found to have reached an appalling figure. More than one Czech regiment is virtually interned in Hungary as unreliable, and meanwhile Bohemia has been garrisoned by Magyar troops." (From "The New Europe," January 4, 1917.) And if this needs confirmation, we find it in the enemy press itself. On October 30, 1917, the Hungarian paper" Budapesti Hirlap" said: "The Czechs must learn that the Entente Allies will never be victorious, for the Czech policy is founded upon the Entente victory." In May and June, 1916, alone, seventy-eight Czech periodicals were suppressed, and the reading of Tolstoy and Emerson, among others, was forbidden. In Transylvania the Rumanian subjects of the monarchy, as we said, live under Hungarian oppression (in twenty years over three hundred and fifty Rumanian intellectuals were condemned to over one hundred and fifty years of imprisonment for "incitement against the Hungarian nation"). By some clever electoral disposition, only five Deputies represent three and one-haif million Rumanians at the Hungarian Parliament. In October, 1917, one of them, Pop Csicso, denounced the dreadful plight of his countrymen, prosecuted and interned by the authorities, priests, women, and children being deported to the interior.

The most appalling things happened in southern Slav territory. One of the essential war aims of Germany and Austria was the crushing of the Serbian race, as standing in the way of their expansion. ("Serbia and Montenegro should disappear from the map, because thereby the road to the East would be open," says the Austrian General R. Gerba in the paper "Die Drau." Therefore he demands immediate annexation.) In order to remove that obstacle all means were good, and now the fate of the Jugoslavs is equaled in horror only by the fate of the Armenians. No excesses or atrocities committed on the western fronts can be compared to what the Austro-Hungarians did to their own subjects there. For we have to insist again on that point, which seems incredible to our minds: these are no war cruelties, these are facts of internal administration.

After the retreat of the Serbian armies the authorities exerted full vengeance upon the populations which had welcomed their brothers, and large numbers of men were executed or deported. "Die Bosnische Post," a semi-official organ, published in 1915, between February 20 and March 23 only, a list of 5,260 families expelled from a few districts in Bosnia. These families, whose men are mobilized in the Austrian army, were driven to Montenegro or other frontiers, and most of them are to-day wandering from place to place, eating the grass on the mourtains ("Obzor" of Agram, November 11, 1917). For Herzegovina alone, the military governor, Sarkotic, recently announced two hundred cases of death from starvation.

Wholesale trials, on the ground of high treason, took place, like the Banjaluka trial of 1915-16, when sixteen death condemnations and eight hundred and fifty-eight years of prison were inflicted. Five Deputies to the Bosnian Diet, twenty priests, and nineteen schoolmasters were among the condemned. Cases of persecution could fill many columns of The Outlook. Mention of the most typical ones are perhaps to be found in the speech delivered by Deputy Tresic-Pavicic at the Austrian Parliament on October 19, 1917. The Austrian censorship stopped its publication in the Croatian Novosti;" but what we possess of it already is sufficient. At Arad and at Doboj alone, where interned civilians suffered untold martyrdom, about eleven thousand persons died from starvation, typhus, and other causes. Among them was my friend R. Radulovitch, a noble figure of a na tional leader from Bosnia. Deputy Tresic-Pavicic says that one Austrian general (Potiorek) signed thirty-five hundred condemnations to death.


Prominent leaders of the various oppressed races of AustriaHungary who could escape to France or England have taken the lead of separatist movements namely, Professor T. Masaryk for the Czechs, Dr. A. Trumbic for the Jugoslavs, etc. They want each group to unite with its brothers outside the Hapsburg monarchy. Small nations, when free, are a guarantee for peace. We have the instance of Switzerland, who made herself free from the same Empire many centuries ago,

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The picture, an official one, taken in the region of the Cambrai offensive, shows the inhabitants of Noyelles seeking shelter behind the British lines after being subjected to German machine-gun fire in their homes


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