A few days ago, a part of my family were at hawking of journals after eleven at night. There the church of Saint Roch, when their attention is, however, an evident relaxation of vigilance or was engaged by a quite dramatic incident, remind- rigor in regard to placards, caricatures, loose sheets, ing them of the opening of the Muette de Portici. Near the altar, a priest had begun to join a "happy couple," attended by a fine company of both sexes; a young and handsome woman forced her way through the group, reached the bridegroom, and put forward a child she brought in her arms, saying, "Sir, will you dare to deny your daughter before the sacred altar, as you have basely done before the mother, elsewhere." The priest and attendants looked aghast; the man protested that he knew neither woman nor child; she was carried off immediately by the police-officers, and the ceremony concluded. According to the newspapers, she has adduced a promise of marriage and a correspondence sufficient to warrant the affiliation. Public curiosity has a new aliment in the female banquets, political and social. Enclosed is an account of one of them a fair specimen. Their clubs, and banquets. This may be electioneering policy for the moment. Louis Bonaparte is chiefly assailed in the caricatures. The workmen and minor artists of the capital are intoxicated by the flattery of the demagogues. They are taught that they have been chosen to regenerate, enlighten, and rule the world, and they have come to this belief. Lamennais has just explained to them, in an address, how they form a part of the Godhead. Le Chant des Travailleurs, akin to the famous English Song of the Spirit, closes their banquets, and infuriates them for both internal and external war. It is sold, at a cent, at every corner. Nothing can surpass the activity and sagacity of the socialists and anarchists, generally, in proselytizing, combining, training, journalizing, and spreading committees and missionaries throughout the country. They have obstreperous echoes motto is from the writings of a socialist oracle. in every provincial town of any importance. At "The social individual means man and woman." the same time, though their doctrines and promises. Proudhon informs us that soon all the socialist banquets will be composed of the two sexes. Some sublime metaphysician, like Leroux, is chosen to preside along with the ladies of his school, whose writings or speeches have earned them distinction. Passages from Condorcet, Godwin & Co. are first recited; then come the toasts, enforced by harangues, of the utmost boldness and latitude of doctrine. Four hundred ladies (dames) " of the different classes of society" figured at the banquet of the 19th inst.; one of them expatiated on the extent and causes of prostitution. It appears that female democratic clubs and banquets are common in Germany. Severe strictures are passed on them in some of our journals. The Union says: What, women also! women at table and toasting, like drunkards, all kinds of emancipation! Surely that cannot be possible; that passes the bounds of the burlesque, and yet nothing, however, is more true. The matrons of socialism, the bluestockings of the Montague, the free-thinkers of demagogical tendencies, determined on having, in their turn, their meeting, and whilst the men were drinking at the Château Rouge, the women drew out the corks freely enough at the Barrière du Maine. Progress or decadency are your effects! The softer portion of the human race dishonoring their crown for a bottle of 12 sous wine! the feeble and timid being, the angel of love given by God to man as an intermediate step between earth and himself, dipping its white wings in a cup of Argenteuil or Surennes! And that is called progress! No, say rather that it is called emancipation in the worst sense of the word. Are we not far enough now from those patriarchal days when our wives, mothers, and sisters, were simple or ridiculous enough to live at home like good housewives, when it might be said of them, as of the women of Rome, she remained at home and spun! Our modern revolutions have changed all that! Our domestic hearths have lost in part their guardian angels, but we possess on the other hand the social ist matron. rapidly increase their forces, they are but a very small minority in relation to the whole population of France. Fortunately, the enormities in theory and deed, and in the characters of the agents of the revolution, from 1790 to 1796, have left a profound impression on the French mind; what the present mountain glorifies and recommends to imitation is generally execrated; but the inordinacies and results of the imperial era, though remembered and acknowledged, do not excite the same or any repugnance either with the masses or the majority of the best educated and circumstanced orders. The martial exploits and glory, the pomp and power of the despotism, and the comparative domestic quiet and security, accord with the national temperament and habits; there is less chance, therefore, for revived Jacobinism, however audacious, adroit, and indefatigable, than for Napoleonism, supposed to be its antidote. If it should prevail in Paris, it will be soon crushed by the weight of the provinces. Meanwhile, the ravages of socialism, in the understanding and souls of the operatives and the prolétaires, of every description, in the cities, are truly fearful. A private letter of Berryer, the celebrated legitimist orator and statesman, has just been divulged, of which I shall proceed to quote some paragraphs, as from a high authority and patriotism. As to M. Louis Bonaparte, his future conduct, the system he will pursue, the character and tendencies of the men he will call around him, if he become president, all is involved in obscurity. All is vague and confused, in the medley of popular opinion, which appears to assure the success of this candidate. It is the illusion of memory; -it is not the expression of hope. But is it possible for us to adopt, under this form, and this individuality, the protest (such as this adoption really is) against our present rulers, by the immense majority of the French nation? I have not thought so. I have assembled a great number of my political friends. Complaint is preferred that the police prevent the | Agreeing with the majority among them, I have expressed the opinion that it was necessary to indi- him, he could have prostrated the provisional govcate to honest men, to the friends of order, the pro-ernment; we must go ahead, we must realize, not tectors of France, whatever party they might have the periods of the Girondins and the Dantons formerly espoused, a candidate who was neither M. Cavaignac with his exclusive republicanism, alone, but of the sublime epoch of Robespierre." nor M. Bonaparte with his utter want of capacity The club rallied to Raspail; at nine o'clock the and our ignorance of his meaning and designs. "My soul is sorrowful even unto death." There is no doubt that if Bonaparte be elected the republicans of the eve, as they style themselves, will not yield the ground or the sceptre to him, but will resist him by every means in their power. If Cavaignac should carry the day, the proscriptive ideas of the men to whom he is attached, and who rule him, will still domineer and lower over the country. The vanquished Napoleonists will raise tumults and tem ment. police squadrons were obliged to disperse the tumultuous mob out of doors; the shopkeepers shut up in a trice. Paris, 23d November, 1848. Our destiny is alarm and peril of constant recurrence. It seems to be a fatality with the present executive branch to create as much agitation and danger as possible. Tumult and ani pests by the blasts of the popular favor for them, mosities in the Assembly are the worst events for repelled by the influence of our present govern- the public peace and trust. All the disaffected How is it possible to be otherwise than profound- and headlong classes, and the plotting cabals, ly afflicted, when we behold this great country, patent and secret, are inspired with fresh emotion France, where the immense majority are animated and hope; the moderate and loyal majority expewith the same thoughts, the same wishes, and the rience additional discouragement and panic. Gensame need, yet remain mute and impotent, allowing eral Cavaignac's restless and athletic foe, Girarherself to be kept down by a minority notoriously inefficient for the restoration of order or of the national prosperity and confidence? A serious schism exists between the strict socialists, and the party of the Mountain, rather from jealousy of domination than any difference in revolutionary tenets and ultimate purposes. Proudhon wages ruthless war, in his paper, on the mountain, as constituted in the Assembly. Raspail is the presidential candidate of socialism, Ledru-Rollin of the other fierce faction. The most furious anarchists are with Proudhon, who, a member of the Assembly, visits the prisoners at Vincennes, and concerts with them the management of their political interests. How the government tolerate such a conspiracy against itself and all legal order, is inconceivable. Both factions, however, discern the necessity of compromise and league for their common ends, and the chiefs of the mountain, in particular, devise daily expedients, and seem disposed to the largest amount of concession. In the evening of the 21st, about four thousand persons are supposed to have attended in the vast hall of the Montesquieu club, in order to debate the comparative merits of Raspail and Rollin. A workman railed at Ledru as an ambitious traitor and mortal enemy of the socialists; his invectives begot utter confusion and universal uproar, which lasted some twenty minutes. One of his friends, a representative from the mountain, at length made himself heard: he cited a speech of Ledru, of 1841, wherein the oppressed and suffering people were likened to Christ persecuted and immolated on the cross; finally, he exclaimed, "O people, if Louis Bonaparte be elected no power will remain but your sinews to rescue us from monarchy." Frantic applause ratified this appeal. Ledru-Rollin seemed, by the cries, to be reinstated in favor. Another orator, more influential, assailed the man of the Mountain anew; he exalted Raspail as having passed half his life in conspiracies and prisons, and ended thus: "Ledru-Rollin flinched in March, when with a hundred thousand workmen ready to second din, the editor of La Presse, digested from the three quartos of the report on the causes and circumstances of the insurrection of June last, a formal impeachment of the conduct of the general, as minister of war, on that occasion; the minister was accused of allowing the insurrection to augment and fortify itself, unmolested, for eleven or twelve hours, and that in order to overthrow the executive commission, and render necessary his own elevation to a dictatorship. The impeachment rested mainly on extracts skilfully adjusted from the official testimony of four or five members of the commission; it was first inserted in La Presse, and then showered, in a separate speech, on every one of the departments, as well as in every quarter of the capital. Charges of the kind abounded soon after the emission of the volumes; but the general kept a disdainful silence; the competition for the presidentship did not press his sides; the resentments of the executive commission lurked. As soon as Napoleon loomed, four of the gentlemen betrayed opposition to Cavaignac in various modes. His friends then conceived it fully time for him to demand or provoke an investigation of the whole case, in the house; the activity of his enemies, the personal consideration of the members of the commission, and the nature of the imputations, left him no alternative. The conduct of all parties must be fairly and amply examined, ascertained, and judged, they being confronted on the highest and most imposing theatre. Accordingly, on the 21st inst., (Tuesday,) the general, under visible excitement, pronounced this speech : Citizen representatives, there is no one amongst you that is ignorant that the colleague to whom you have delegated the executive government has been the object of numerous attacks and reiterated calumnies. So long as those attacks were made under names which do not belong to this Assembly, I considered it my duty to remain silent and indifferent. If I thought proper, for the sake of a personal feeling, to repulse these calumnies, I should have deferred it to another period, when I should not have stood in the position in which you find in the London journals of the day before yes terday. This London jubilation is noticed by the French editors, and variously interpreted. You will be struck with this palinode of the Times: have thought fit to place me. (Hear, hear, on some of the benches.) But within the last few days the names of some of our colleagues have been mixed up with these attacks, and have given support to the accusations; I have waited some General Taylor's military reputation it is not our days that they might have time to contradict them. business to exalt. The Mexican war was no conTheir silence, however, compels me to broach the cern of ours, but it was impossible not to admire the question. I beg the Assembly to fix for Thursday daring, the hardihood, and the skill of an invasion, next the interpellations which I shall have to conducted into the heart of a distant country, under address to these colleagues; and I beg those to a tropical climate, with an army of volunteers, and whom I allude, and who have been called on by carried to the metropolis and last citadel of the name, to reply to me. I shall demand of MM. empire. But General Taylor has better qualificaGarnier-Pagès, Duclerc, Pagnerre, and Barthelemy tions for government than these. His speeches, Saint-Hilaire, who have been pointed out, and his letters, and his whole conduct show him to be there may be still others, whether, either in private a gentleman, a man of temper, of conciliatory conversations, or by communications, they have habits, and good sense. The humanity, of which authorized those attacks in their name? If there he has given many proofs in his military career, should be a denial on their part, no discussion will has been equally conspicuous, though doubtless take place between them and myself. Neverthe- equally tried, in the field of political warfare. The less, even although they should not have been mild tone of the general's addresses shows that he guilty of what I say, I confess I shall be eager can spare his fellow-citizens as well as his foes, (avide) for the discussion. If I have been silent for the last five months, I beg the Assembly to be convinced that I have only refrained from speaking, and that in opposition to the advice of my personal and political friends, out of respect for it. The four representatives named rose to complain of the libels which they had undergone, and to signify their eagerness to satisfy the challenge of the president of the council, for mutual and complete explanations. It had become inevitable that the truth, the whole truth, should be solemnly disclosed. It was objected, that neither Marie, the minister of justice, nor M. de Lamartine, who were members of the commission, could be present on Thursday, as they were absent from Paris. Ledru-Rollin, glad to fan the flame, and himself a party to the trial, insisted on having those genlemen. Monday was at first proposed in lieu of this day: Cavaignac and his ministers, declared that they would vote against all postponement. The house fixed on Saturday, the day after to morrow: The strongest agitation on the floor and in the galleries, accompanied and followed this episode. Until after Saturday, no real business can be earnestly transacted. Lamartine is summoned from and respect feelings as well as life and property. During the Mexican war, the Times spared neither "the invasion" nor the man. Our The National dwells, to-day, on the bellicose import of the candidateship of Louis Napoleon, and the alarm raised abroad on that account. The death of Ibrahim Pacha (Mehemet Ali, if alive, being entirely superannuated) must resuscitate an Egyptian question, momentous enough, between France and Great Britain, with the Sublime Porte and Russia as parties deeply concerned. radical organs predict a horrible conflict in Germany-sure to involve France-besides desperate hostilities in Italy. The atrocious murder of Rossi, the pope's chief minister, and unequalled auxiliary, cannot fail to aggravate the tendencies to riot at Rome. This victim to revolutionary fanaticism enjoyed, from the superiority of his books and lectures, the highest reputation as a political economist; he was greatly valued in the ex-French chamber of peers, of which he was a most useful member: Louis Philippe stationed him at Rome, as ambassador; on the revolution of February, he resigned, and engaged in the service of his own country, Italy, with principles of mod his electioneering campaign, by telegraph: a migh-erate liberalism, abundant administrative knowl ty and desperate strife between the three candidates-the General, the Poet, and Ledru-Rollin, now the idol of the mountain. The abettors of Napoleon hope to profit by the whole elucidation or crimination and recrimination. The National of this morning (the organ of the Cavaignac party) observes, that the general meant, in apostrophizing the commission, merely, "Your testimony has been cited against me; let us inquire what it really is; we do not accuse each other; we shall explain simply, for the sake of both sides; and in order to baffle the common enemy and the foes of the republic." Owing to this affair, the public funds declined yesterday. Most of the Paris prints of this day contain articles on the steamer-intelligence of the almost certain election of General Taylor: satisfaction is professed, though not in terms so joyous as we edge, and perfect address as a diplomatist and cabinet luminary. A personal acquaintance confirmed the impressions which I received from his writings and speeches. According to the reports from the interior of France, the solemn proclamation of the new constitution had a frigid reception in most of the provinces. Cries of Vive Napoleon drowned the few correspondent to the occasion. In many parts, when the peasantry first heard of his candidateship, they ejaculated, "We knew that the emperor was not dead." The circulars of the archbishops and bishops touching the constitution and the approaching election, indicate, generally, a preference for Cavaignac, though two prelates and several curates in the National Assembly have informed the public, in the newspapers, that citizen Bishop Fayet, whose address I mentioned last week, was not authorized to assert their concur- | fect material in the admiration of the Assembly for Cavaignac's intellectual powers, then first adequately exhibited in the tribune. His enemies of the anarchical press admit that he proved himself an orator-tactician of the highest order." He had often spoken well, but briefly; and sometimes in rence in his adhesion. The Moniteur of this morning, announces, officially, that the cross of the Legion of Honor has been bestowed on the Archbishop of Paris, and several others of the higher clergy. Two bloodless duels, of consequence as to the personages, were fought yester- an awkward and unsatisfactory way. On this ocday in the Bois des Boulogne. See the enclosed casion, he pursued his defence for three hours; paragraphs. To judge from the face of Goudchaux, the ex-minister of finance, who met a famous general of divisions, an old and zealous erfectly self-possessed; with the most lucid order and cogent dialectics, and, now and then, the happiest irony. Three distinguished representa monarchist-he is a good, jolly fellow, a valiant tives inflexibly opposed to his election as presitrencher-man, who could have borne neither incli- dent, who happened to be in my parlor the evennation nor malice to the field of honor. The ing after, acknowledged to me that, with respect Journal des Débats of this day, treats, copi- to mental faculties, he grew many cubits in their ously, of the Prussian question. It opines that estimation, by his wonderful achievement in the both the assembly and the king are in the wrong, tribune. He delighted the majority, not merely and that the quarrel must be settled by the Frank- by acquitting himself far better than they could fort Assembly, "which represents social order hope, but by breaking utterly with the party of and public peace in Germany." The Prussian the mountain, and with their chief, Ledru-Rollin, Moniteur of the 20th inst. ably defends the king and ministry. Their strong measures are said to have been occasioned by certain information of an intended proclamation, on the 14th inst., of the republic, by the democratic clubs and a majority of in particular. The Assembly gave him a complete triumph by renewing the declaration in their decree of the 28th June-that he had deserved well of his country. The Archbishop of Paris occupied, during the whole sitting of eleven hours, the assembly. We cannot satisfactorily collect a seat in the box of the president of the Assemfrom the endless stories from Germany, whether bly. This whole matter is well-treated by the the majority of the nations, Austrian and Prussian, London Times. Both the galleries and the house are in favor of the monarchs or the assemblies. were sadly disappointed in not hearing speeches Kings and people punish each other for their from Lamartine and Arago, members of the exseveral excesses. The moderate liberal party ecutive commission whom Cavaignac was accused are far the most numerous in the councils of the of having betrayed, in order to supplant them at Helvetic Union. A letter from St. Petersburg, once. Their silence is ascribed to their reluctance of the 7th, says: to abet any hostilities on a man whose good faith they could not dispute, and whose good repute and good will they know to be necessary to the The emperor has just ordered that sixty thousand acres of land, situated in the provinces of Ekatherinoslaw and the Tauride, shall be distributed republic. Every one is aware that a very large gratuitously to the Jews, whom the government has compelled to leave the western frontiers of European Russia. Paris, 30th Nov., 1848. portion of the votes which will be given to his rival, Louis Napoleon, are founded on the idea of the overthrow of all republicanism. The canvass for the four or five candidates is prosecuted with incredible exertion, intrigue and animosity. It is impossible to predict as yet, with certainty, whether Napoleon or Cavaignac will succeed with the nation; if the election devolve on the Assembly, the general will have a majority already assured. Each has published an exposition of his principles and purposes; clear and comprehensive, and adapted to satisfy the votaries of social order, and stable, free government. Their programmes are enclosed. If we escape a sanguinary convulsion (the sequel expected on all hands) we shall be more or less content with either chief, or with any system other than that of the socialists and the red republic. You were informed, in my last epistle, that Saturday last was fixed for the investigation which General Cavaignac claimed, of his conduct as minister of war during the insurrection of the month of June. Fear was widely entertained of serious disorders both within and without the Assembly. The military precautions nearly equalled those of any day before that epoch; admission to the galleries was never more eagerly sought. Two of my acquaintances inform me that, of one, ninety francs were asked for a ticket, and a hundred and twenty of the other, near the gates of the palace of the Assembly. Parties of the sovereign people roused the porters at midnight, on Friday, demanding instant access to the upper gallery; it required the appearance of a strong exampled struggle for votes. You shall have it military guard to defeat their importunity. by the middle of January. A digest of the de I am recording personal anecdotes, and collecting authentic materials, for a chapter on this un You will find, in a paper which I send you, an bates of the Assembly on the budget is also my English version-a mere abstract-of the impor- design. They abound with curious facts, doctant, the memorable debate. Much curious his-trines and episodes. torical information is to be collected from it; and The sum asked for the war-department-four every reader must share, though with such imper- hundred and thirty-two millions of francs-was voted on Tuesday, in the space of an hour, and | ism or communism of the present day; his strictwith little heed-the presidential question absorb- ures are equally just and valuable. I have shown ing all concern. The minister detailed a plan to him the remarkable letter of John Adams to amounting to an entire revolution in the constitution of the army, and by which a hundred and forty or fifty millions may be annually saved. The Mably, of which the French version is placed at the end of the first volume of the Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States chairman of the committee on finance declared of America against the attack of Turgot-a work that the inevitable alternative for the country was to be still esteemed as a master-piece of historical a considerable reduction of the army or fiscal ruin; and political erudition and orthodox tenet and reaM. Fould, a representative of high authority on soning. On his arrival in Paris, in 1782, Mr. the subject, would not affirm that the condition of Adams was informed that the abbé meant to write the finances was desperate, but he was convinced on the American Revolution, and asked of him of the indispensableness of the most rigid curtailment and economy. No existing tax, not even the salt, can be foregone. The executive proclaims that it is resolved to maintain the strictest neutrality with reference to Spanish politics and contests. The French cruisers on the coast of Africa are not to be less than fifteen. They have experienced a dreadful mortality. The new federal government of Switzerland is happily and facts and memorials. His letter was a compliance with this request. He, however, had no faith in the abbé's competency; he observes, in the preface, "We ought to be obliged to any gentleman in Europe who will favor us with his thoughts; but in general, the theory of government is as well understood in America as in Europe; and by great numbers of individuals, in everything relating to a free constitution, infinitely better comprehended fully organized. Marshal Bugeaud-Napoleon than by the Abbé de Mably or M. Turgot, learned Bertrand, (son of the defunct general,) and Mar- and ingenious as they were." I quote these senshal Ney's eldest son-all Bonapartists are tences because they might be applied, with twofold elected to the National Assembly. The tribunals in Paris, that act as grand juries, have decided that there is no sufficient ground for bringing the ministers of Louis Philippe to trial. They may return from their voluntary banishment. The present heads of the department are so busy that they cannot hold their soirées this week. It is averred and believed that if the red republic should master this capital, the national guards of the provinces and a part of the army will unite, under the command of Bugeaud, to deal with Paris as Vienna and Berlin have been disciplined. On the affairs of France, Germany and Naples the London Times deserves to be consulted, preferably to any other journal whatever. The Chronicle libels Cavaignac. A late number of the Moniteur Universel contains a very good biographical sketch, by Reveillé-Parise, of the famous Dr. Quesnay, almost the founder of political economy in France-a skilful surgeon and justness, to the present period; it is my belief that not one of the men who took part in the formation or discussion of the French scheme, just promulgated, succeeded in the endeavor, which most of them made, to comprehend thoroughly our national and federal system. Not one speech, sufficiently comprehensive, lucid, philosophical and practical, was delivered on their own work. Neither as a framer nor expounder, is any member of the Assembly to be compared with either of the writers of the Federalist. In The Almanach de la République Française, just issued, there is an article of M. de Tocqueville, entitled, All Honest Labor is Honorable. He remarks, "In the United States opinion is not against, but in favor of, the dignity of labor. There, a rich man feels constrained by public opinion to devote his leisure to some industrial or commercial business, or some public duties. He would expect to fall into disrepute if he passed his life only in living. It is in order to escape a trusted physician. According to the biographer, this obligation to work, that so many rich Amer(himself of the faculty,) we owe the Gregorian icans come to Europe; here, they find fragments Calendar to a Doctor Libo, an inhabitant of Rome, of aristocratic society, among whom it is yet creditwho was alike eminent in medicine and the mathe- able to do nothing or have nothing to do." I trust matics. We are struck with the merits of the discourse of the Mayor of Boston, with an honored name, at the noble celebration of the introduction of pure water into that city. The four millions of dollars were indeed rightly applied. How different this celebration, and this expenditure, from the pompous military festivals which we witness in the French capital! We are gratified also with the sensible and well-worded address of Mr. Donelson, the American Envoy at Frankfort, to the Grand Vicar of the Germanic Empire. The Moniteur Universel, of the 21st inst., is enriched with Professor Frank's Notice of the Life and Political and Social System of the Abbé Mably. The able professor proves that the system is but the social that M. de Tocqueville is right as to what passes in the United States; but I am sure that he does injustice to the majority of the rich Americans who visit Europe. Their object, in general, is liberal travel; the gratification of liberal tastes; the improvement of their children; health, curiosity, or the enjoyment of the diversified luxury of the great capitals of this quarter of the world. Opinion cannot be so proscriptive on your side of the Atlantic. Most of the rich travellers, moreover, have worked abundantly at home, in acquiring their wealth. The transactions of the Academy of Sciences, on the 20th inst., have not special interest or importance. Mercury's transit across the sun's dise was the subject of several reports. Details were furnished from the Paris Observatory. The ob |