actions of the Supreme Court school desegregation decisions of 1954, and the series of decisions which the Court has rendered since, coupled with the activities of the professional race agitators and the actions of the U.S. Congress in enacting various force bills dealing with race relations in the past several years have tended to create much chaos and distress among the people of my State.

Where 10 or 12 years ago there was great harmony and understanding between the white and colored people of our State who must live together under our laws, today there has been a tremendous and grave and a serious breakdown in those relationships, and we can attribute that directly to the agitation which has emanated from outside our State.

Now as all of us know, waves of hysteria sweep America periodically. We have seen waves of hysteria which might be categorized as antiMasonic. We have seen anti-Catholic waves of hysteria and antiSemitic waves of hysteria on many occasions. Presently there is a wave of anti-South hysteria rolling across America. National news publications, radio and television constantly bombard the American people with vicious, unfair, slanderous, and deadly propaganda directed at a great section of this country. Those who term themselves liberals in politics today condemn other waves of hysteria when they are directed at Masonic organizations, people of the Jewish faith, people of the Catholic faith, and even people of Communist affiliations. However, these same self-styled liberals, who so strongly condemn that kind of hysteria consistently, actively support and encourage these assaults against the South.

No fair-minded person in America, I am certain, would deny knowingly to any man his civil rights. But this unjust and hypocritical attack on the white people of the Southern States violates the civil rights of the people of the Southern States, as the Senator from North Carolina, Senator Ervin, has on many occasions stated.

Take a look at the crime statistics in this country, Mr. Chairman, and you will see all kinds of civil rights violations. We need but to look at the Nation's Capital around us. It is conceded by everyone who knows the facts and the situation in our Nation's Capital that it is unsafe for a person to be in more than half of the city of Washington. One of the more important duties of a Member of Congress in these days is to advise his visiting constituents as to the areas of Washington which are relatively safe, and by the same token to warn him against other areas of Washington where he is likely to be in danger of physical harm at the hands of criminals in the city.

A large percentage of the residents and the tourists in the Nation's Capital do not have what might be termed a civil right of walking unmolested on certain streets here in the city. None of these so-called civil rights bills before your committee, sir, secure these rights to anyone. They do not deal with the problem they have right here under their noses. If you say it is a city police function, quite obviously I agree. I would also say that it is a State and city function to guarantee the civil rights enumerated in these proposals.

May I say in that regard, Mr. Chairman, that when I say it is the duty of the State to protect the civil rights of the citizens, and not a proper function of the Federal Government, I am backed up in that statement as the chairman well knows by statements made on repeated

occasions by the great architect of American liberty, Thomas Jefferson, who, in his writings, delineated between State and Federal responsibilities and very specifically placed the protection of civil rights among the reserved powers of the several States.

I might say that the States and cities of the Southern States are doing much better than are the city police in Washington, New York, Chicago, St. Louis, and other metropolitan centers elsewhere in their job of protecting life, property, and the civil rights of their citizens. To make this statement, of course, does not mean to imply any criticism of the wonderful police forces that these cities employ, for I know that they are doing the best they can under the circumstances. But they are handicapped in their job of law enforcement when the NAACP and their fellow travelers continuously intimidate and harass them and attempt to influence and interfere with their work of law enforcement.

I point to the NAACP's intervention recently in the city of Washington in their controversy with the chief of police here.

I have stated many times and I repeat here, Mr. Chairman, that the NAACP could possibly be a force for good instead of evil, if it were employed in the right direction, if it would devote its talents to improving the moral, social, and economic standards of Negroes rather than confining their labors to agitating for racial amalgamation.

We have heard much, Mr. Chairman, in recent years about the need to eliminate second-class citizenry in the United States. With that idea I am certain that all of us agree. However, it cannot be done, Mr. Chairman, through the process of legislation. In order to eliminate a second-class citizenry in the United States the status of second-class citizens must be elevated in order that they become firstclass citizens. However, that again cannot be done by legislation. We will have second-class citizens in this country, white and colored, so long as we have citizens who are not willing or are unable for one reason or another-to assume the responsibilities and obligations that go with first-class citizenship. That is not a racial problem. Rather, it is a sociological and a psychological problem which must be dealt with individually and in accordance with the desires and character status of individual citizens, and must be handled locally, in accordance with local needs and conditions.

Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to insert in the record statistical data which has been obtained through the Justice Department showing penitentiary populations in States of the United States which have more than 100,000 Negroes in their population. This table is broken into two parts, Mr. Chairman. An analysis of these population figures will show that in the Southern States listed at the bottom, which are Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia, there are fewer Negroes in the penitentiary in proportion to the number of Negroes in their population than there are in the integrated States, which is revealing proof that the deportment of the members of the colored race is much better in segregated States than it is in integrated States.

To give you an example, Mr. Chairman, in your State of South Carolina, which has, according to the 1950 census, a Negro population of

822,077, there were 22 Negroes in prison because of felony charges per 100,000 Negro population.

In the State of New York, which has a comparable Negro population, in fact has a larger Negro population than South Carolina, 918,191, there were 114 Negroes per 100,000 in the penitentiary as compared with South Carolina's 22.

New York State, as the Chairman knows, has passed reams of socalled civil rights bills, and yet it would appear that Negroes are much better treated before the bar of the State of South Carolinato the ratio of 22 to 114-than they are in the State of New York. Mr. Chairman, I ask consent of the committee that this table be placed in the record as a part of my remarks.

Senator JOHNSTON. Is that the same table you handed to me?
Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes.

Senator JOHNSTON. Good. It will be inserted at this point.
(The table referred to follows:)

Senator JOHNSTON. I notice in that table that South Carolina is the only State that has 100,000 or more colored people where the percentage of population of the Negro is 39 percent and the percentage of felonies by the Negroes is 30 percent. That is the only State in the Union that the percentage of felonies is less than the percentage of Negroes, isn't that correct?

Mr. WILLIAMS. I believe that is correct. I haven't checked this table with that in mind, but I am sure that's true.

Senator JOHNSTON. That is very striking for me because I know how well the colored and white get along down home, and how good the courts treat the colored people, and how well I treated them when I was Governor. You will find that I pardoned and freed more colored people than white. I will say that 80 percent of them didn't even have an attorney when they came before me to get out. Perhaps not 80 percent, but a large percentage anyway. More than a majority certainly didn't have attorneys to represent them.

Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Chairman, I think I can say categorically-as a matter of fact, I will say categorically—that there is no city in the State of Mississippi or no place in the State of Mississippi where a person, white or Negro, would feel that his life was in danger merely by his being in that place. Ours are peaceful and law-abiding people. I am certain that the gentleman from South Carolina can say the same thing. Unfortunately, though, there are sections of Washington, New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Detroit and other great cities of the North and East where so-called civil rights have sought to be secured for the Negroes by legislation, where it is not safe for a white person to go.

Senator JOHNSTON. May I add, especially after dark.

Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes. It is also applicable, I am told, in the daytime in many of these places.

Getting back to this table, as stated a moment ago, the top portion of the table lists 13 States of the Union which have more than 100,000 Negro population. The bottom portion of the chart consists of the segregated Southern States. It should be noted that the integrated States, that is, the group in the top part of the chart, shows a substantially higher Negro index of Negro crime than the proportion of Negro population.

Senator JOHNSTON. Take Michigan, for instance, 7 percent of the population are Negro and the felony prisoners in 1950 were 37 percent. Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes, sir.

Senator JOHNSTON. Then take Maryland, 16 percent of the population is Negro, 60 percent of the felony prisoners were colored.

Take New York, 6 percent of the population was colored in 1950, and 37 percent of the prisoners were colored.

Ohio, 6 percent of the population was Negro, 35 percent of the felons were Negro.

Then I think it would be well to read Pennsylvania, 6 percent, and 35 percent of the felony prisoners were Negro.

But when you read the Southern States you will see that either they are better down there or somebody is better to them, one or the other. The percent is almost even in a great many instances.

Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Chairman, we have taken this table and we have compared the rate in the segregated States with that of the integrated States. We find that this table reveals that the per capita crime rate among Negroes in the integrated States is 199 percent that of the segregated States. The rate in the cases enumerated in the table refer to convicted felony cases and the figures do not reflect arrests for misdemeanor convictions. These figures must prove conclusively one of two premises: Either that Negroes are more law-abiding in a segregated society, or the southern people and their courts are far more lenient with Negro defendants. Perhaps both premises are true.

This, in my opinion, puts the lie to left wing and NAACP propaganda to the effect that a reign of terror against Negroes prevails in the South. Much of the propaganda assault made against the southern people originates in the State of New York. But to those who so criticize the South I would suggest they look at the reocrd.

In 1950, and that's the last date that we have these authenticated figures, New York courts sent more Negroes to the penitentiary than did the courts of Arkansas, Mississippi, and South Carolina combined, in spite of the fact that the total Negro populations of those three States that is, Mississippi, Arkansas, and South Carolina— exceeds that of New York State by 1,317,019 Negroes. According to the 1950 census, Mississippi Negro population exceeds New York's Negro population by 68,303. In other words, there are 68,303 more Negroes in Mississippi than there are in New York State according to the 1950 figures. Yet official Justice Department figures show that New York had twice as many Negroes in the penitentiary in 1950 than did Mississippi. We wonder, of course, where there is reign of terror or if such exists, at least, in the light of these statistics?

Integrated Ohio sent more Negroes to prison in 1950 than did the segregated States of Arkansas, Tennessee, and South Carolina com