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THE OUTLOOK is a Weekly Newspaper and an Illustrated Monthly Magazine in one. It is published every Saturday-fifty-two issues a year. The fourth issue in each month is an Illustrated Magazine Number, containing about twice as many pages as the regular weekly issue, and many pictures.

PRICE.—The subscription price is Three Dollars a year, payable in advance. Ten cents a copy. POSTAGE IS PREPAID by the publishers for all subscriptions in the United States, Hawaiian Islands, Philippine Islands, Guam, Porto Rico, Tutuila (Samoa), Shanghai, Canal Zone, Cuba, Canada, and Mexico. For all other countries in the Postal Union add $1.56 for postage. CHANGE OF ADDRESS.-When a change of address is ordered, both the new and the old address must be given. The notice should be sent one week before the change is to take effect. DISCONTINUANCES.-If a subscriber wishes his copy of the paper discontinued at the expiration of his subscription, notice to that effect should be sent. Otherwise it is assumed that a continuance of the subscription is desired.

HOW TO REMIT.-Remittances should be sent by Draft on New York, Express-Order, or Money-Order, payable to order of THE OUTLOOK COMPANY. Cash should be sent in Registered Letter.

LETTERS should be addressed:

THE OUTLOOK COMPANY

hicago Office, 1436 Marquette Building 287 Fourth Avenue, New York Copyright, 1905, by The Outlook Company. Entered as second-class matter in the New York Post-Office.

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A Victory for Popular Rights

SATURDAY, AUGUST 5, 1905

The Corrupt Practices Act passed by the Connecticut Legislature at the session recently closed is no plaything for reformers; it is a sharp instrument to be used against political highwaymen. The State which elected Morgan G. Bulkeley to the United States Senate needed such an instrument; but few people believed that the State would hammer it out for itself. Mr. Bulkeley openly opposed the bill; his opponent in the Senatorial election nearly succeeded in destroying it. Some of the younger practical politicians of the State, however, favored the bill, and it became law. The act provides fora detailed publication of expenditures of all political agents and treasurers as well as of candidates; it adapts to Connecticut statutes the most effective provisions of the English law according to which an election may be declared void by the courts after investigation and evidence of fraud. In those cases where, as in elections for membership in Congress or the Legislature, the court cannot constitutionally decide whether a candidate has been validly chosen, the act requires the court to find the facts and lay the evidence as judicially determined before the Governor. If it is a State officer who is found guilty, the Governor can then declare the place vacant; if it is a National office-holder, then the Governor is to place the evidence before the proper body, as, for instance, the Judiciary Committee of Congress. The act provides legal means for making these provisions effectual. Incidental to the main purpose of the act is a very important provision, proposed by the Rev. Dr. Newman Smyth, of New Haven, which will almost transform the method of criminal procedure in Connecticut. Heretofore the State Attorneys have not had power to initiate proceedings. This power has been practically confined to the three

grand jurors in each town. Now this power is put into the hands of the State Attorneys, to whom any citizen can bring complaint. This law thus releases two forces which have hitherto been held in check: first, the nominally defeated candidate, who heretofore has had no chance, may now bring charges which, if proved true, will force "the defendant candidate" to "forfeit his office to his defeated rival, and be ineligible for any office for four years afterward;" second, the whole body of citizens are freed from the clumsy three-grand-juror system, and any one of them, or any corporation, can bring information concerning a suspected crime directly to the State's Attorney. Such a law as this is as truly an instrument on behalf of popular liberty as a bill of rights or a magna charta. It is a weapon against the most insidious form of tyranny-that of corruption.

Wrong-doing in the

Agricultural Department

The Outlook has outlined already

the charges of misconduct and abuse of confidence for private gain by one or more trusted officials in the Agricultural Department. The belief that these accusations were well founded is strengthened by the fact that Holmes, the Assistant Statistician, who is directly charged with reprehensible conduct, last week secretly left the country, while his immediate superior, Mr. Hyde, the Chief Statistician, who had resigned under suspicion, has also, it is reported, left the United States just when he was expected, if he were beyond blame, to aid in the investigation. Now other improper if not criminal acts are charged against an employee of the Department in high standing. Professor George T. Moore has resigned from the Bureau of Plant Industry, and his resignation is undoubtedly the result of the public charge that he has maintained busi

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ness connections through which his knowledge as a Government official was used for the benefit of an individual commercial concern. Professor Moore is a man of high scientific attainments, and has undoubtedly done much to make the Agricultural Department practically useful to the farmers of the country. Readers of The Outlook may remember that some months ago we summarized an extremely readable account by Mr. Grosvenor in the "Century" of Professor Moore's experiments with what he called “ inoculating the soil"-a discovery by which certain kinds of plant life were made to flourish wonderfully by a process which greatly increased their tuberculous development, through which they receive and absorb nitrogen from the air. It is in connection with this very matter that charges are made against Professor Moore. In a letter to President Roosevelt, Mr. T. D. Harman, manager of the "National Stockman and Farmer," offered proof that employees of the Department of Agriculture were unduly interested in the sale of nitro-cultures to farmers at an exorbitant price. The evidence offered showed that Professor Moore, through his wife, had held stock in one of these companies, with the understanding that it should become his when he severed his connection with the Department and became the bacteriologist of the concern. Dr. Moore declares that he finally decided to stay with the Department, and that the stock was then no longer held by his wife. He adds that he gave no more favors to this company than to others, and intimates that his official superiors were informed of all the facts. Nevertheless, he admits that the criticism of his conduct made it desirable for him to resign, and his resignation was promptly accepted by Secretary Wilson. An interview between Secretary Wilson and the President has followed, and it is understood that the most thorough investigation of all matters having a suspicious character will be carried out at once. On another page will be found an article by the Assistant Secretary of the Department of Agriculture which shows in a most interesting way the variety and value of the services rendered

by the Department of Agriculture to the people of the United States. No impartial reader of this article (written, we may add, before the recent disclosures of defects in the Department) can doubt that under Secretary Wilson the Department has increased in efficiency and has been in many different forms a means of instruction and suggestion to farmers and scientists alike.

The teamsters' strike The Teamsters' Strike in Chicago has at last in Chicago: Ended come to an end. After one hundred and five days of struggle, the distressing conflict was terminated by the Teamsters' Joint Council, by unanimous vote, on July 20. The strike was called cff without any conference with the employers, and without any promises or concessions from them whatever. It was an unconditional defeat for the union. The employers would not even recede from their position that such of the strikers as might be taken back should refrain in the future from wearing the union button exposed. Shea and the other leaders involved are thoroughly discredited, and the once powerful teamsters' unions of Chicago are greatly weakened. As the readers of The Outlook know, charges were freely made at the inception of this strike that it was brought about, not for any proper labor reason, but for purposes of blackmail. Such being the case, it is perhaps not surprising that the most remarkable feature in connection with this strike has been the revelations of graft in labor matters growing out of it. As a result of charges and countercharges of dishonesty, made on the one hand by the employers and on the other by labor leaders, the Grand Jury took up the subject and made an investigation. Among others, John C. Driscol! was called to testify, and while it was the impression that he came far from telling all he knew, he revealed enough to create a sensation. Driscoll, a few years ago, was a small political worker, holding a low-salaried political position. He left that vocation to become a "Labor Commissioner," as he styled himself. entered the service of various employing organizations, especially the teaming

organizations. He cultivated friendly others. A culmination of the "
relations with influential labor leaders.
His function as "Labor Commissioner"
was to prevent strikes for the concerns
that employed him. He did this, he
admitted, by the use of money. But
Driscoll entered a vehement denial to
the charge that he had ever connived
with labor leaders to foment strikes in
order that they might be "settled"
through the influence of himself and his
associates. Driscoll took his check-book
stubs before the Grand Jury in support
of his statement that he had made pay-
ments to labor leaders, among whom he
named President Shea, of the Team-
sters' Union, and Albert Young, Shea's
predecessor in office. Driscoll told
in detail of many strikes that he had
settled, and the amount of money paid
out in each case.

The Teamsters' Strike

Under the laws of in Chicago: Criminal Illinois it is not a Prosecution Possible crime to bribe a labor leader. So no indictments could be voted on this ground. But the Grand Jury, in its report made public on July 1, gave the names of many men whose honesty was called in question by the evidence secured. In some instances indictments based on the evidence were voted on the ground of conspiracy unlawfully to injure the business of another. This was true in the case of officials of the Illinois Brick Company, who were charged with bribing labor leaders to call strikes on rival companies. The labor leaders accused of accepting the bribes were indicted on the same ground. The Grand Jury report contained the statement, not only that wrecking crews" had been paid for by men at the head of certain labor organizations, but that "sluggers during Driscoll's régime were employed by him, representing certain financial interests, to meet 'fire with fire and slugger with slugger.'" Driscoll has not been connected with the labor situation in Chicago for some months now, but he told the Grand Jury that during the three years of his service he received from the interests he represented about $60,000, which amount was supposed to cover both his own compensation and his disbursements to

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political methods followed by a faction in the Chicago Federation of Labor was reached on Sunday, July 16, a few days before the teamsters' strike was called off. An election of officers for the Federation was in progress, when masked men entered, and, by threats of force, which included a display of revolvers, compelled the judges and clerks to surrender the ballots, which were forthwith destroyed. During the affair Michael Donnelly, head of the Packing Trades Unions, and generally regarded as an honest labor leader, was beaten by the invaders so severely that he had to be taken to a hospital. It is supposed that the violence was inspired by leaders of the element in the Federation which has been accused of dishonest practices in the past and which expected defeat at the election. This is the element with which Shea and the other labor leaders who have co-operated with Driscoll were affiliated. Although the State's Attorney's Office undertook to ferret out the matter, it has been unable as yet to discover the identity of the persons guilty of the outrage. These revelations and incidents have done even more than the absolute failure of the strike to discredit labor leaders and labor organizations.

Secretary Taft
in Japan

The honor which Japan has accorded to Secretary Taft and other official visitors accompanying him from the United States is a natural expression of the friendliness which the Japanese have felt for this country since the days of Commodore Perry. The Mikado granted an audience to the party and made the members his guests at luncheon; he, moreover, opened to them his private park, to which foreigners are rarely admitted. The official attentions to the American visitors have been accompanied with popular demonstrations. The "Japan Mail" goes so far as to say, "Not within our experience of over thirty years has Tokyo ever given such an ardent reception to any foreign visitor." Garden parties, banquets, entertainments, and display of day and night fireworks have marked every stage of

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