cago Municipal Voters' League has been so uniformly successful for ten years speaks volumes for the thoroughness with which it has done its work of education and for the public spirit and independence of the Chicago electorate. The Secretary gave a long list of substantial accomplishments, including an account of the services of Vance McCormick as Mayor of Harrisburg. The reports as to what has been done in the past few years in Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and the Canadian cities, as well as a most striking paper by John Matin on "Comparative Municipal Thrift at Home and Abroad," fur ished still further and still more convincing proof of the hopefulness of the municipal outlook.

Important Committee Reports

The most generally interesting of the reports of the numerous committees, through which the League is accomplishing so much, was that of the highly important Committee on the Coordination of University and Collegiate Instruction in Municipal Government. It was organized primarily to establish the educational principle that interest in civic affairs is best developed by bringing the students in our universities and colleges into direct touch with the machinery of our municipal life, and that the influence of this pedagogical principle can be strengthened by making a uniform plan of inquiry throughout the country. The topic selected for the college year 1904-05 was "The Relation of the Municipality to the Street Railway Service." Wherever feasible, the plan was adopted of making each student responsible for the study of one city in its relation to the street railway service. This involved in some cases special tours of investigation to secure data, confer with officials, and make a personal study of the kind of service enjoyed by each community. It was generally agreed among the members of the Committee that the pedagogical value of personal investigation of this character cannot readily be overestimated. The plan develops not only the student's power of observation, but also the habit of dealing with the facts of civic life, which is of the utmost value in his other studies.

The necessity of securing accurate information and of being satisfied with nothing that is not capable of documentary demonstration is also of value in guarding against the temptations of sweeping and doctrinaire generalizations which so often beset the student of politics. The Committee decided to select for the topic of inquiry during the college year 1905-06 "The Relation of the Municipality to the Gas and Electric Light Service." This will include a study of both municipal and private ownership. The note of broad democracy was sounded in the report of the Committee on Nomination Reform, presented by Horace E. Deming, in Charles D. Willard's instructive account of municipal progress in Los Angeles, and in Professor Rowe's paper on "The Trend of Municipal Government in the United States." After pointing out in the beginning that "the formative period in the development of our American cities was dominated by an essentially negative view of government," he declared that "the problem presented by city government in the United States is not merely to construct a well-balanced mechanism of government, but so to construct that government that it will require the alertness and watchfulness of the people.. The situation in Philadelphia is an instructive instance of the effect of so organizing the government as to leave the people under the impression that the officials are sufficiently encompassed with statutory limitations to have little power for evil." In concluding his annual address on "The Field of Labor of the National Municipal League," President Bonaparte paid a deserved compliment to the memory of James C. Carter, the first President of the League, as an "admirable citizen, a pure and fervent patriot, an exemplar and guide in all that pertains to good citizenship."

tories are regarded in constitutional law as Crown lands, and, unless the Crown is willing, Parliament at Westminster has no control over them and no very well defined relationship to them until local civil government has been established. In the early days of the British colonial era the procedure was by letters patent. There was, however, an exception from this rule in 1774, when the Quebec Act was passed; and, in fact, in the case of British North America all constitutional changes since 1774 have been by statutes enacted by the Imperial Parliament. The Balfour Government, for reasons which readily suggest themselves when the heat and friction which are still associated with all South African questions at Westminster are taken into account, did not desire to follow the Quebec precedent. The Government accordingly proceeded by letters patent, and the Transvaal Constitution has consequently gone into effect without its being submitted to Parliament. Parliament can discuss the Constitution now that it is promulgated, for it can always call in question the act of any of the King's Ministers; but for the present it can effect no change in the form of government which has been set up at Pretoria. Under the new Constitution there is to be only one chamber, to be known as the Legislative Assembly. The Lieutenant-Governor is to be of this Assembly. From six to nine members are to be nominated, apparently by the High Commissioner of South Africa, an office now held by Lord Selborne in succession to Lord Milner, and not exceed ing thirty-five members are to be elected. The franchise on which these members are to be elected is comparatively narrow. Every burgher of the Transvaal Republic not disqualified by conviction for treason since May 31, 1902-the date of the peace by which the Boer War was brought to an end-is to be entitled to vote; and so are all white males of British birth occupying premises at an annual rental of not less than $50, or possessed of capital to the value of $500. As far as concerns the qualifications for the vote, the franchise is as wide as was the Parliamentary franchise in Great Britain between 1832 and 1867before the days of household suffrage.

A Narrow Elective Franchise

The Transvaal franchise is narrow in that it excludes even foreign

ers who may be naturalized British subjects, because, as the cablegrams read, while practically all Boers are to be enfranchised, only white men who are of British birth are to enjoy the same political privileges. The cablegrams do not make it clear what are to be the qualifications of the elected members of the Legislative Assembly. It may be taken for granted, however, that if the elective franchise is denied to all except Boer burghers and British-born citizens, none but men so qualified can be of the Assembly. Natives of India from the Peninsula have been crowding into the Transvaal in large numbers since the end of the war. These British-born subjects are much in advance of the African natives as regards civilization. But for the present they are to be excluded from the voting population, which is more limited than might have been expected, in view of the fact that the enfranchisement of the Outlander white population was supposed to be a solution of all the trouble that led up to the outbreak of the war. The debates in the Assembly are to be in English—not in English or Dutch, like the English or French of the Parliament of Canada; but there is a provision that the Speaker may permit a member to use the Dutch language. This arrangement is more hopeful for the ultimate uniformity of the English language in South Africa than the concession made in 1774 to the French in Canada. The Orange River Colony will continue under the rule that has existed since the end of the war. The Transvaal, too, is still under Crown Colony rule, and will not pass from that stage in colonial development until, like Natal and Cape Colony, it is given full representative and responsible government.

in the Transvaal warranted no such expectation, and it has to be remembered that, although the natives in Cape Colony exercise the franchise, the experiment there is not complete, and as an experiment it has not been wholly satisfactory. Under the Transvaal Constitution, however, no bill passed by the Legislative Assembly at Pretoria which subjects the natives to disabilities or restrictions is to become law before it receives the sanction of the Colonial Office in London. This provision is in keeping with the present-day policy of the Colonial Office in South African affairs. That policy is distinctly progressive, as readers of The Outlook will remember who recall the paragraphs recently published in these columns concerning the delimitation of Zululand and the extreme care which the Colonial Office had shown that in the division of Zululand between whites and blacks the larger part of the territory, and much of the best lands, should be permanently assigned to the Zulus under conditions which will prevent these lands from passing into the possession of white settlers from Natal or elsewhere. The native provision in the Transvaal Constitution is also in harmony with the recommendation of the recent Royal Commission on South African native affairs. Every British Colony in South Africa was represented on this Commission, and the recommendations of the Commission-recommendations which of course have yet to be adopted by the Colonial Legislatures—were the most progressive and most liberal ever embodied in any British state paper concerning native economy. Better days are clearly in sight for the natives all over South Africa, and these days will come none the more tardily from the fact that in the new Constitution for the Transvaal the native is denied the Parliamentary franchise. Nobody who has been much among the natives of either the Transvaal or the Orange River Colony, and certainly nobody who has studied native character as it presents itself in the great native compounds at the mines at Johannesburg or Kimberley, would desire that the Transvaal should enter on its new political existence hampered from the first by the uncertainties

of a large native vote. It is, however, a matter for congratulation that there is to be no legislation at Pretoria interfering with the present status of the native races which has not the sanction of the Colonial Office in Downing Street. For a long time past the traditions of Downing Street with regard to the natives in South Africa have been excellent. They have been so good and so manifestly fair to the natives that it has been a standing complaint with British colonials in Cape Colony and Natal that in these matters the Colonial Office was too much influenced by Exeter Hall and the Aborigines Protection Society of London. These institutions have undoubtedly had a great influence for twenty years past; but it must never be forgotten that one of the secrets of the success of British colonial rule has been just this care for the dependent races which by conquest or otherwise have come under the British flag. As the Transvaal instance shows, the British flag does not mean complete political enfranchisement for the natives. It does not mean political equality for the natives with the white man; but it does mean the safeguarding of native interests and the protection of their agrarian and economic rights.

It might seem that nothing Stonehenge could be less exposed to destruction than the massive monuments of ancient days known as Stonehenge. It is supposed to be now nearly four thousand years since they were put in place, and if antiquity is a good cause for reverence, Stonehenge is certainly entitled to that tribute. Yet it appears, in legal proceedings which have just been going on in England, that Stonehenge needs protection from the injurious treatment to which it has been subjected. The great stones stand upon ground which is private property owned by Sir Edmund Antrobus, and his action in fencing them off has led to a lawsuit by English societies which exist for the purpose of protecting public rights in antiquities and in historical grounds. All attempts to persuade the British Government to purchase Stonehenge and place it in a park intended for public use have

failed, and it is now urged that, nevertheless, the public have a right of way, gained by immemorial usage, to the vicinity of the monuments. In reply Sir Edmund asserts that he has been obliged to fence in Stonehenge, and also to provide for the expense of caring for it by charging a small fee, because not only of the excesses of tourists and others in chipping off portions of the stones for relics, but because in some instances serious injury has been done-in one case by gypsies who dug holes about some of the stones and thereby destroyed the balance and caused them to fall, in other cases by vandals who actually attempted to blow some of the stones from their position by gunpowder and dynamite, with a view to ascertaining whether there might not be some treasure concealed beneath. These extreme acts certainly seem to justify measures of protection. The price asked has been $750,000, and it is amusing to read in the English press the repeatedly expressed fear that some American multi-millionaire might purchase the property.

The Rev. Dr. James H.

Bishop Darlington Darlington, for twentythree years rector of Christ Church of Brooklyn, was consecrated Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Diocese of Harrisburg last week, Bishops Whittaker, Talbot, Whitehead, Seymour, Burgess, and Potter taking part in the service of consecration. In this day of short ministries Dr. Darlington's long work in the Christ Church parish has borne its fruit in an accumulation of influence and of affection. He is a man of all-around qualifications for the post to which he has been called; a vigorous preacher, a clear thinker, a man of practical methods and of an admirable spirit of service. The Diocese of Harrisburg was recently created by the division of the Diocese of Central Pennsylvania, is made up of about twenty counties, and includes the cities of Harrisburg, Williamsport, Gettysburg, York, Altoona, and Lancaster. The field is one which offers many difficulties, but also great opportunities, and Dr. Darlington has the energy and devotion which are likely to conquer the one and make effective use of the other.

The sudden death of Gen

Fitzhugh Lee eral Fitzhugh Lee, as the result of an attack of apoplexy while traveling from Boston to Washington, takes from the country another of a small group of men who were conspicuous in the Civil War. The grandson of "Light-Horse Harry " of Revolutionary fame, a nephew of General Robert E. Lee, and the son of Sidney Smith Lee, fleet captain of the squadron under the command of Commodore Perry which opened Japan to Western civilization, General Lee represented the Old South at its best. Born in Virginia almost seventy years ago, graduated from West Point, General Lee entered the service in a cavalry regiment, and saw fighting almost as soon as he had put on the uniform. The Comanches were then making trouble with emigrants who were crossing their lands and hunting-grounds. General, then Lieutenant, Lee showed the instinct of his fighting ancestry at the start, flung himself with ardor into every fight, more than once had very narrow escapes from death, and in every emergency displayed the resources of a man of physical as well as intellectual capacity. When Virginia withdrew from the Union after the fall of Fort Sumter, there were five members of the Lee family in the Federal service. Fitzhugh held a lieutenancy, which he promptly resigned and joined the Confederate army, was made a captain in General Ewell's brigade, was rapidly advanced to the positions of lieutenant-colonel, colonel, and brigadiergeneral. At the battle of Winchester three horses were shot under him, and he was severely wounded. When he left the hospital, he was placed in command of the entire cavalry corps of the Army of Northern Virginia. As a cavalry leader he disclosed not only the highest courage, but rare skill, and led more than one brilliant and successful charge. After the surrender of the Confederate forces he went back to his farm in Stafford County, Virginia, and, like his uncle, counseled all his friends to resume their work as civilians and to make the best of the new conditions. He was foremost among the Southern leaders to accept the situation and to turn his face toward the future; and in

season and out of season with great effectiveness he preached the doctrine of a reunited country. He was sent to Havana as American Consul in April, 1896, by President Cleveland, and retained in that position by President McKinley. When war with Spain was declared two years later, he was recalled, after having made a record for his courageous and thoroughgoing protection of the rights of American citizens. In May of the same year he was appointed Major-General of Volunteers in command of the Seventh Army Corps, and at the end of the war he became Military Governor of Havana, and subsequently was placed in command of the Department of Missouri. He also served a term as Governor of Virginia and Collector of Internal Revenue at Lynchburg. Since his retirement from the army he had devoted himself with characteristic ardor and energy to the work of preparing for the Jamestown Exposition, of which he was the President. General Lee had many friends, North and South. His gallantry, generosity, and frankness, as well as his energy and executive capacity, gave him a foremost place among the Southern men whom the Nation has delighted to honor during the last decade.

Theological Unrest

The Presbytery of Rochester lately disposed of a case of dissent from its doctrinal standards somewhat differently from the disposal made of an essentially identical case last autumn by the Presbytery of Nassau, in the issue raised by Dr. Samuel T. Carter. Dr. Carter, as our readers will recollect, expressed desire for dismission from the Presbytery on the ground of a total dissent from the theological scheme formulated in the Westminster Confession, especially from certain doctrines usually regarded as essential to orthodoxy. After conference with him, in which he retracted nothing, the Presbytery unanimously invited him to continue in its fellowship, with which he had been connected some forty years. At Rochester Dr. Nelson Millard, of equally long and good standing in the Presbyterian ministry, has been permitted

to withdraw, upon his request based on grounds the same, in general, as Dr. Carter's, though not so specifically stated. It appears from the report of the proceedings that Dr. Millard's determination to withdraw was absolute, and that the Presbytery felt constrained to consent. But in consenting they put on record their unwillingness, and their conviction of " the survival of all that is essential in Christian fellowship. He is a brother beloved, more so than ever." At the same meeting the Presbytery admitted two new members, one a Methodist and one a Free Baptist. Commenting on this, the Rev. P. M. Strayer said: "There is abundant evidence that the Presbyterian system of doctrine is in a state of flux, and that its fellowship includes men of many different theological positions. . . . It is possible for men of diametrically opposite views to fellowship within it." This was demonstrated in Dr. Carter's case, and only Dr. Millard's conscientious view of personal duty prevented its being demonstrated again.

The American

This body held an Anti-Tuberculosis League important meeting in Atlanta, Georgia, April 17-19. The attendance was large and representative of all parts of the country. Many valuable papers were read, indicating the prodigious amount of study that is being given to-day to the prevention and cure of the "great white plague." The League summed up its creed in the following propositions which were adopted as the report of the Committee on Resolutions: That tuberculosis is communicable but not inherited, though it is possible to inherit a predisposition to the disease; that tuberculosis is curable, and the germ may be destroyed when discovered early enough in the progress of the malady; that tuberculosis is preventable, two factors being essential to its development-the presence of the germ and favorable conditions for it--both factors being subject more or less to intelligent control. The object of the League was set forth as follows: "To present to the American public practical and practi