with some glimmering of interest and intelligence." Whether it would be advantageous to attach a property or taxpaying qualification to the suffrage in American cities it is useless to discuss; because such limitation of the suffrage, however desirable, is impracticable. It is easy to attach qualifications to the suffrage when it is granted, but almost impossible to do so afterwards.

The result which Glasgow secures by a limited suffrage, American cities must generally secure by another method. By the extension and enforcement of the Australian ballot system, and the abolition of the provision allowing the illiterate voter to take some one into the polling-booth with him, a quasi educational qualification can be attached to the ballot. Quite as important is a political reconstruction of the city to adjust it to modern needs. The municipal council in most of our cities is patterned after the State and National legislative bodies. But a municipal council is not analogous to a State or National legislature. It is far more analogous to the board of directors of a commercial corporation. The recent act of the New York Legislature in taking from the New York Board of Aldermen, as its municipal council is called, the power of granting franchises and conferring it upon the Board of Estimate and Apportionment is a step in the right direction. But it is only a step. What is really wanted is the abolition of the municipal council which is elected by wards, and the substitution therefor of a small board of not more than fifteen nor less than nine, who shall be elected on a general ticket, or by boroughs, and shall represent the entire city. Experience has proved that ward representation tends to ward politics--the bane of our municipal system. It has been proved that it is almost impossible to get threescore or more of men who are honest and capable, and who will give their time to the details of city administration. And it has also been proved, by the value of the services rendered by the Rapid Transit Commission and by the Board of Estimate and Apportionment, that it is possible to get a small board of competent, honest, and public-spirited men. The work of a city council is administrative, not legislative;

and for such work a small body, not a large one, is needed.

III. Of course any industrial system, whether carried on by a municipal or a commercial corporation, should be freed from partisan politics. If the city is to do business, it must do it on business principles. We do not here urge any particular method of Civil Service Reform; but the spirit of Civil Service Reform must be carried out in good faith. Appointments and removals must both be made for the good of the service. Motormen must be appointed because they can run an electric car, not because they can run a primary. That this is the spirit in which the Glasgow municipal industries are carried on our correspondent makes clear. That such industries cannot be successfully carried on in any other spirit Mr. Dalrymple is reported to have declared very explicitly. If Mayor Dunne has really declared, as he is reported to have done, that when Chicago takes over the street railways he intends to treat the employees as day laborers, and so make them subject to both appointment and removal regardless of merit, he has dealt a serious blow to the cause of municipal operation of municipal industries. The administration of a municipal industry must demand nothing more of its employees than fidelity and competence in the discharge of their duties, and must expect nothing else.

IV. Finally, the city must not expect to make money out of its industries; it must expect only to make them self-supporting. It may be that private corporations will pay into the city treasury more money in the form of taxes than the municipally conducted industry will pay in the form of profits. "The dividends which the city reaps," says our correspondent, "are in the form of civic betterment, lower death rate, and improvement in social conditions." The city will pay here, as it has paid abroad, higher wages; it will prescribe for its employees here, as it has prescribed for them there, shorter hours. It will give to the traveling public here, as it has given there, lower rates. In other words, the profits which have gone into the pockets of capitalists as a payment for

their money and their services will be distributed partly among the employees in better labor conditions and partly among the traveling public in better accommodations and lowered prices. No more may be expected to be paid into the city treasury than is necessary to accumulate a fund for large repairs, for important extensions, and for unexpected exigencies.

There is no good reason why any American city should not have an experience parallel to that of Glasgow, provided it will comply with the necessary conditions: provided it will not part with the control of its streets by granting indefinite or perpetual franchises; will frame its city government for administrative rather than for legislative purposes; will develop a civic pride and a public spirit which will inspire men of integrity and of ability to serve the city; will exclude all partisan spirit from the administration of its municipal industries; and will look for its profits, not to treasury balances, but to a purer and better municipal life.

two countries in case they become antagonistic; and it is doubtful whether the mere fact of independence, dissociated from the question of freedom or the fundamental rights of a people, will be a sufficient compensation to the Norwegians for what they may lose. To understand the situation a brief résumé of the events which led up to it is

necessary.

It is at least five centuries since Norway has led an independent life as a nation. In the fourteenth century the sovereignty came to a Danish king, and until 1814 Norway was under Danish rule. She was, in effect, a Danish province, though she had nearly all the rights and opportunities of an independent country. During the first century of her dependence, Sweden was also a Danish province, but in 1523 Gustavus Vasa, the Swedish patriot, as the result of a successful rebellion, made Sweden an independent State, Norway remaining under Danish control. Under the leadership of the family of this distinguished ruler, Sweden became a power in northern Europe, and Gustavus Adolphus, by his genius, his championship of Protestantism, and his ardent and fiery patriotism, delivered Sweden from a coalition of Russia, Poland, and Denmark. Sweden was not able, however, to hold the position which Gustavus Adolphus had secured for her; and at the beginning of the last century Finland, which had long been a Swedish dependency, was lost, completing the series of disasters by which the Swedes had lost all their territory on the mainland.

When Bernadotte, born a country lawyer, but rising to the position of a Marshal of France under the leadership of Napoleon, was at the height of his great reputation, the King of Sweden, Charles XIII., was childless, and a coalition of influential leaders, chiefly nobles, proposed that Bernadotte should be elected Crown Prince and successor to the throne. The Swedish Diet accepted the scheme, and Bernadotte was elected, became the real ruler of Sweden, joined in the coalition against the French, and, by the help of England, forced Denmark in 1814 to hand over Norway to Sweden; Sweden,

on her part, ceding parts of Pomerania to Denmark. The Norwegian Diet refused to submit to the arrangement; but Bernadotte, an intrepid and resourceful soldier, invaded and conquered Norway. When this able man came to the throne as Charles XIV. in 1818, the two countries were united, each keeping its old code of laws, its National Assembly, with the power to legislate for its own territory, subject to the veto of the King, and each being represented in the Royal Cabinet.

From the beginning there have been many sources of irritation between the two countries. Different parties in Norway have endeavored to create a sentiment in favor of independence, and national movements from time to time have been directed to a revival of the Norse dialect. The Norwegians have claimed and exercised almost all the powers of a sovereign State in their domestic affairs. They have lived under a constitutional government, while Sweden did not gain complete concession of constitutional rule until about forty years ago. Again and again the Norwegian Storthing has refused to vote adequate funds for the army and navy. It has endeavored to substitute militia for a regular military establishment. In 1890 an agitation was begun for a separate consular service with a separate Minister of Foreign Affairs. Of late the Norwegians have advanced their demands to a separate diplomatic service. One constant source of friction between the two countries has been their different trade systems. Free trade is practically complete in Norway, while for the last twenty-five years high tariff has been established in Sweden. This has compelled the readjustment of commercial treaties with foreign powers; such treaties were formerly made conjointly by the two countries; it has, of course, been necessary to substitute separate and distinct agreements with the two countries, and the result has been the imposing of unusual and extraordinary difficulties on the consuls of the two countries. These officers have had to choose in many cases between the interests of one country or the other. Of late years both countries have been driven to seek larger foreign markets for their

goods and have come into sharper competition.

In 1885 the Swedish constitution was amended in such a way as to place the exclusive control of foreign affairs, including the appointment of consuls, in the hands of a Swedish Foreign Minister, responsible to the Swedish Parliament alone; formerly these appointments were in the hands of the King, who had the liberty of placing a Norwegian at the head of the Foreign Office. On this question of separate consular service all parties in Norway have been united for nearly fifteen years, the ultrademocratic party insisting also that Norway should have its own Foreign Office. The Swedes at first took the ground that the consular and diplomatic service must be under the same direction; but in 1902 a committee, which represented both countries, unanimously reported a plan for making Norwegian consuls responsible to Norwegian authorities and Swedish consuls responsible to Swedish authorities. The committee also decided that the Swedish Foreign Minister should no longer give any directions regarding the consular affairs of Norway. On this report an agreement was signed in 1903 establishing separate consular service for the two countries. This report was signed by the King as a joint resolution, and the two Governments agreed to work out their own schemes of distinct consular service in their own way. Norway acted at once under the agreement, and framed her own system; but Sweden has refused to act, and the agreement has therefore been without effect.

Back of these specific causes of difference lie very important differences of character and temperament. The Norwegians, like their ancestors, who were among the most audacious and adventurous sailors, as they were the makers of some of the noblest myths, live in a country of magnificent scenery, washed by tumultuous seas, penetrated by deep bays. They are at once mountaineers and sailors; bold, independent, and thoroughly democratic in taste and temperament, largely farmers and sailors, accustomed to the management of their own affairs from the very beginning, and

centuries of more or less intimate relations with other countries. The Swedes, on the other hand, live in a more fertile agricultural country, are a more urbane and polished people, have greater love of the fine arts, and a leaning toward an aristocratic order of society. The trade differences between the two countries are positive, and have involved actual hardship to Norway; but these differences have probably been less effective in dissolving the union than those differences of temperament and character which, although intangible, are among the most influential and controlling influences that bear on the action of men.

By a resolution unanimously adopted by the Storthing the union between the two countries has been declared dissolved, and an address presented to the King, entirely respectful in expression, disclaiming all motives of personal antagonism, and suggesting that his Majesty should co-operate in the selection of a prince of his own house to govern Norway. An address to the people, issued at the same time from the same source, urged firmness and tranquillity, declared that all ordinances of the Government must be respected, and provided practical methods for conducting the administration of affairs. The King has declined to accede to the action of the Storthing. There has been no official expression of the attitude of the Powers toward the action of Norway as yet, and friends of both countries fear that their separation may afford the opportunity which both Russia and Germany have been seeking for years, of reducing one or both of the countries to the condition of provinces. This is not an age in which small countries can disregard the danger of contiguity to great Powers. Countries like Belgium, Switzerland, Holland, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden must co-operate if they are to preserve their independence; and it is a serious question whether the Scandinavians are not facing perils far greater than the inconveniences which they have experienced under the arrangement which the Norwegians have now dissolved. War between the two countries is very improbable.

Burne-Jones's "Dawn," a lovely figure, moves through the slumbering town with clashing cymbals, her eyes still veiled with sleep, her form still relaxed; borne forward, not by her will, but by the wind of the morning breathing life across the world. At every gate in the city, on every highway, in every square, Love waits-silent, watchful, expectant. She may have traveled far, but she has never been borne forward by any force which swept her along as the drowsy Dawn is swept; she has been drawn on by hopes and anticipations which rise out of the depths of her own heart. She may have had great happiness, incredible good fortune, by the way; but her face is set toward the future, and the past is dear to her, not for what it gave, but for what it promised. She has heard many words that set her heart beating, but she is still waiting for the great word that shall convey the ultimate secret of her nature, that shall put her in complete possession of that which is already hers. things content, but nothing satisfies her; she counts her wealth, not with a brooding but with an uplifted face. She hoards nothing; everything she has is at risk in the great adventure, and the winds of heaven everywhere bear forward or beat back her argosies. She builds no secure places where she may hide her gains; she puts them into the venture upon which she has staked all her fortune. She may suffer cruelly; her heart may be torn and her hands pierced; but her wealth cannot be taken from her, for it is stored in the secret places of her soul.

Many

However much Life may offer Love, no gift fully compasses her desires, for none is great enough to occupy her soul. When her hands are full, her heart cries out for more and better things; and no sooner have her eyes rested on the treasures which the days have brought her than they are lifted again to the larger gifts which the hands of to-morrow are silently and mysteriously bringing her. With Love there was a beginning, although it seems to her that behind that memorable day there was a shadowy procession of days always moving toward her from the remotest

past; but there is no ending. From the summit of to-day the shining hills of tomorrow are always visible; and though she rests here for the night, her thoughts are always there. She works and strives and suffers and wears the flower of joy in this present hour; but, however intent she may be on service or sacrifice or happiness, there is always a look in her eyes as of something still dreamed of even in the busiest or the darkest hour. So Love travels through life with busy hands and a full heart, but with an eager glance forward; content whatever comes her way, and self-forgetful whatever fortune befalls her, but never satisfied.

This eager expectation, often disappointed but never surrendered, has its roots in the immortality of Love and is the manifestation of her magical power of growth; she witnesses to another and a diviner order of being. She never sees what she possesses apart from what it must grow to; she is not blind to its limitations, but she is always aware of what it may become; and to her prophetic heart what it may be it already is. With Love there is no present; so eager is she for the best in those to whom she gives herself that she always forestalls them and stands beside them with radiant

eyes far down the path on which they are moving with slow and halting steps. Those who hear her words and know her devotion sometimes find them exaggerated and even inexplicable, and go about saying that she is blind. She sees all that they see, but she sees also what does not lie within their vision, the man that is to be. Love gives herself, not to that which is achieved, but to that which

is possible. When others surrender hope, she lights it with fresh sacrifice; when all seems lost, she sits clad with loneliness as with a garment, but with expectation still lighting the darkness of the hour. Because she gives herself to the highest and demands the highest, she believes in the highest. Here is the secret of her healing and lifting power: the silent, steadfast, invincible appeal of her faith. How often has it happened that, when all other appeals went for naught, her appeal reached, roused, and redeemed, for to the weak and untrue

that look in her eyes is like the light of God; searching, smiling, revealing, purifying.

In all the ways of life, where cheap cynicisms, arid doubts, cowardly maxims of prudence, are accepted as wisdom, this figure alone bears the knowledge of life in her heart. Bitter indeed has been the draught of the cup of evil held to her lips by those whom she has followed with steadfast feet into the lowest hells; but for her there is no hell save that which cleanses. Beside what men call the lost soul she waits with expectation in her eyes; for through clouds and darkness she sees her own spirit enthroned and invincible. Pierced, scorned, and rejected, she lifts her eyes, and the vision always meets her expectation. Among the blind, the dumb, the false, she alone sees and knows; for she alone discerns the infinite resources of life, she alone has that power of sacrifice which wins against all odds because no man can finally shut the door in its face; she alone is wise because she alone is pure.

The Spectator

He was an apple-faced, plainly dressed, middle-aged man, with nothing of the Bret Harte gold-miner about him but the simplicity. There was no doubt, however, of the perfect Henry James-ness of the tall, blonde, gay American girl with the admiring and ungrammatical mother, also blonde and handsome, in the seats across the car. And the gray-haired

New England spinster, on the way to the Woman's Christian Temperance Union convention, whose session was to begin in Seattle next week, was an unmistakable Mary Wilkins character. The Spectator sat in the little car that takes passengers from the Canadian Pacific and exchanges them for Seattle at a forlorn junction with an impossible refreshment counter, and wondered afresh at that truth which is stranger than fiction, no matter how true the fiction may be to life.

The impossible refreshment counter had done its work. "I never saw such