Fund-Societies, of which workmen of any trade or employment might become members; that the ma nagement of each society and its funds be vested in the members; that each member, while in work, contribute weekly or monthly a certain amount to the society; and that the amount of contributions of each person stand in his name, and not be drawn out except during his want of employment. In case of death, the amount of a member's contribution to be paid to his family or representatives, except a certain proportion, to be deducted for the general fund of the society. A member to be allowed to pay his contributions in a lump beforehand, or hold two or more shares, contributing in proportion, being entitled to receive on each accordingly, and having a number of votes in the society's meetings proportioned to the number of shares holden.

The chief advantages of a society founded on these principles would be, that a secure fund would be provided from good times, against want of work in bad times. The amount and continuation of assistance to any member would be proportioned to his own previous industry and forethought, and no idle or improvident person would draw upon the means of others. The payments would be received by little to provide against a severe practical evil, and could not be diverted or withdrawn for any other purpose. Lastly, a feeling of co-operation and fellowship among workmen would be likely to aid such societies, and a person once becoming a

member, would probably continue such, for the sake of the contingent benefits arising from forfeits, deductions on deaths, &c.

In lieu of belonging to an Employment FundSociety, a man might individually, and on his own account, make a provision for years of scarcity of work; by resolving, during a period of high wages, to deposit a sum weekly in a savings-bank, to accumulate against a period of adversity. This would be really more economical, than belonging to an association. All societies are unavoidably attended with some expenses of management, and which must be paid by the members; but these expenses would be avoided by contributing to a savings-bank. A workman in the latter would enjoy the further advantage of having a complete control, without the intervention of others, over his own fund, and he might also vary the amount of his weekly saving as most convenient. But the hazard in this case is, the fund would be liable to be violated, or not efficiently supported. Might not the workman fail to make his weekly deposit in the bank, or might not the fund itself be encroached upon for other purposes than to meet deficiency of work? These contingencies must depend on the fortitude of the party; in short, whether to belong to a society, or to raise a fund individually, is best, must depend on personal character. Both plans are good, and which ought to be preferred, can only be determined by previous habits and disposition.

I shall leave without further comment the several

suggestions mentioned, to the consideration of the working classes, and those who feel interested in the improvement of their condition. The objects sought are their independence, and the guaranteeing them against those distressing privations inseparable from the constantly recurring fluctuations in the market of labour. Unless, however, the working people themselves will adopt measures for securing their own welfare, no power on earth can do it for them: but, before they can do this, they must be made acquainted with the principles on which their welfare depends. Their lot is not so favourable as it ought to be, but it might be worse. There is a "lower deep" still; from a cottage they may descend to a cabin, from white bread to brown, from meat to potatoes. They should make a stand in time, and on sure ground; for, if once trampled down, the spirit and power are lost to rise. There are not wanting those to remind them how much better off they are than their neighbours and ancestors. They know this as well as their teachers, they know their forefathers were serfs; they know, too, that lords were great robbers, who could not write their own names. What is the use of such retrospections? Why should men be told they were once children, and bandaged and whipped by masters and nurses, as cruel as ignorant. Are we never to go forward? Is the past always to be a type of the future? The world is not so old that all forms and fashions of society have been exhausted, and who can tell one may not be in store

which shall at least guarantee every honest man, willing to work, not merely from want, but mean

ness.

I am a great admirer of political economy, but do not implicitly adopt all its dogmas. National happiness is more important than national wealth, very unequally apportioned. Repudiating with contempt the idea that the rich are in a conspiracy against the poor, and that they do not wish to improve their condition; still, I think that in all fiscal and domestic measures, the maxim should be acted upon, that it is better 100 persons should live comfortably, than one luxuriantly. High wages are therefore more important than high profits; it is better-should they ever be at issue-the people should be happy, than foreign trade prosperous. On this point I concur with the working man's best friend-though long and strangely belied-who has declared that he

really cannot conceive any thing much more detestable, than the idea of knowingly condemning the labourers of Great Britain to the rags and wretched cabins of Ireland, for the purpose of selling a few more broad cloths and calicoes.". (Essay on the Principle of Population, b. 4, c. 10.) But it is quite unreasonable to urge the influence of high wages on the sale of manufactures, so long as masters tolerate such a stumblingblock in their way as the corn-laws. Dear provisions must produce one of two effects-they must either lower the condition of the working classes, or raise the rate of wages. Nobody can wish the former result, there

fore every one must protest against cheap labour, while there is dear bread.*

* I have no wish to disguise the importance of cheap labour. The vast extent to which machinery has been applied, has tended to increase the quantity of goods manufactured, and lower their price, whereby they have been brought within the reach of all classes of consumers, rather than to lessen the number of persons employed. Lord Milton, in his " Address to Landowners," recommending the repeal of the corn-laws, has stated some striking facts showing the proportion which wages form of the prices of commodities.

"In the manufacture," says his lordship, " of fine woollen cloth, the wages paid by the manufacturer amount to about 60 per cent., upon the total expenditure incurred between the purchase of the wool in the foreign port, and the period when the cloth is in a state fit for sale; in the manufacture of linen yarn, the corresponding expenditure in wages is about 48 per

cent.

"In the manufacture of earthenware, the wages paid by the manufacturer amount to about 40 per cent.; that is to say, in the conversion of the requisite quantity of clay into goods worth 100l., 401. are paid to the workmen, in the shape of wages.

"It is obvious, however, that, in these three instances, especially in the latter, a very large proportion of the remaining charges is resolvable into the wages of labour, though, perhaps, not to so great an extent as in the next instances I am about to cite. In the manufacture of pig iron, the expense of labour upon the various ingredients employed, amounts to no less than 81 per cent.; and, in its subsequent conversion into bar iron, to 84 per cent.

"In the working of collieries, the expenses are almost entirely resolvable into labour; and, in cases within my own knowledge, the wages actually paid, exceed 90 per cent. upon the current expenditure. In the different branches of the steel