gedy, and made such reparation as they could; among whom were the Rev. Mr. Noyes, the Rev. Mr. Hale, Judge Sewall, and twelve of the jurymen. Judge Sewall stood up in church, at Boston, on a fast day, and asked forgiveness of God and the people. The Rev. Mr. Parris found his people would have no more of his preaching; he begged hard to be allowed to stay, but they would have him no longer. Cotton

Mather was hooted at by boys, and pelted with stones; and his reputation, in Massachusetts, never recovered from the just judgment of the people.

This misery it may be well to remember, for it grew out of an unwise and superstitious curiosity about devils and spirits, and became cruel and bloody through an epidemic fear-both of which may again recur; indeed, the former belief has been pressed upon us in our own day. One thing is often said, namely, "That it makes no differ ence what people believe." The belief out of which the Salem cruelties grew, is a proof that a false belief is sometimes deadly; and we are bound to protest against any theory of spirits pre-. sented upon shallow proof.

HE volumes, of which the title is

THE

given below, contain a very valuable contribution to the biography of the Bonaparte family, especially of Napoleon-the founder of its greatness. Many of the letters are extremely dry— of little interest, except to the military tactician; but the correspondence, taken as a whole, sheds a clear and distinct light upon the character of Napoleon, the author of most of the letters. In the unreserve of confidential business communications, in which he deemed it for his interest to speak the simple truth, the great tyrant shows himself neither disguised in the fine sentiments with which he used often in his public exhibitions to wrap up his sovereign selfishness, nor tricked out in that stage tinsel and those counterfeit jewels, in which so many of his imaginative admirers delight to present him to us clothed with the character of a self-sacrificing patriot and philanthropist, and adorned with all the

virtues.

Joseph, Napoleon's elder brother, died in 1844, leaving behind him a large collection of papers, which he gave, by his will, to Joseph Napoleon, eldest son of his second daughter, and the princess Zenaide, who had married the eldest son of Lucien, the third brother of the Bonaparte family. These papers con

sisted of a short memoir of Joseph, written by himself, coming down, however, only to 1808, and of the letters contained in the present collection, and many others which Joseph had, with difficulty, preserved. For some years they had remained buried in the earth in a wood in Switzerland, to which country Joseph had retired on the first downfall of Napoleon, and some few words in some of them became illegible from the dampness of this place of concealment, in which Joseph had left them when he proceeded to join Napoleon in Paris, and to aid him in the short career of his second reign. Afterwards, they were brought to this country, to which Joseph retired after the battle of Waterloo; and after Joseph's death, through the agency of Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, (as he boasts in his Historical Sketch of the recent war between America and Great Britain), they were deposited for four years in the mint at Philadel phia, till the legatee came of age to claim them, which he did in October, 1849.

The publication of the Memoires et Correspondance Politique et Militaire du Roi Joseph, which extend to eleven volumes, and of which the most interesting part is derived from those papers, was commenced in 1853, at Paris, and

was completed in 1855, under the superintendence of M. A. du Casse, aid-decamp to Jerome Napoleon Bonaparte, son of Jerome, the youngest and only surviving brother of Napoleon. This work begins with Joseph's autobiographical fragment—a short but interesting document to which are subjoined the letters to and from Joseph, written during the period embraced in it. The editor then gives, in successive chapters, a narrative of the public events with which Joseph was mixed up, subjoining to each chapter the letters of corresponding dates. The only deviation from this plan is, that the history of the negotiations of Luneville and Amiens, at which Joseph was the representative of France, is reserved for the eleventh volume, where they are related much in detail.

The volumes in English, now under consideration, contain only Napoleon's letters, with occasionally a few others, inserted for the sake of illustrationthe chapters in which, as in the French work they are arranged, being headed by a very brief statement of the events of the successive periods to which they relate. Such is the history of these letters, which it is singular that the English translator has not given, by way of preface or introduction.

The correspondence of the two brothers, prior to 1787, was lost. Some letters, written between 1787 and 1795, were among the manuscripts left by Joseph; but these the French editor has suppressed, on the ground of their want of interest. One would like, however, to see them, as they might throw some light on Napoleon's earliest political opinions. The series of published letters dates from May 23d, 1795, Napoleon being then at Paris.

The three elder brothers of the Bonaparte family, Joseph, Napoleon, and Lucien, from the circumstance of having been educated, as well as their eldest sister, in France, had become entirely French. When they returned to Corsica, they had even forgotten their mother tongue. It was natural, therefore, that, when Paoli, in consequence of the excesses of the French Revolution, put himself at the head of a counter movement, that looked to a separation of Corsica from France, the Bonapartes should adhere to the French side, especially as Napoleon held a commission in the army, and Joseph in the civil

administration; and as the narrowness of their family fortune compelled them to look to government service as a re

source.

Whatever might have been the precise political opinions of the two elder brothers, or their motives in adhering to France, Lucien, as we know from his own account of himself, in his published memoirs, was a decided enthusiast for the Revolution; and though, in 1792, only eighteen years of age, an active, ardent, and loquacious member of the popular society of Ajaccio. Indeed, it is well known, that he so far adhered to his youthful opinions, as to have remained a republican even under the empire. Of the history of the Bonaparte family at this period, by far the fullest and most authentic account is contained in Lucien's memoirs, though Joseph adds, also, some interesting facts.

It has been said, that Napoleon was, at one time, a violent Jacobin. This, however, is not so clear. The revolutionary ardor was never so violent in Corsica as in Paris, and it was in Corsica that Napoleon appears to have spent much of the first years of the Revolution. He was absent from Paris during the most violent times. He was in Corsica in 1788; after that, he was at Valence with his regiment. He was again in Corsica in 1790-at the return of Paoli, in 1791-at the death of Mirabeau, and probably the larger part of the following year. He was in Paris, however, at the fall of the monarchy, and an eye-witness of the famous 10th of August; but he returned soon after to Corsica, and, on the organization of the national guard of the island, he was made chef de battaillon, or lieutenant colonel in it, and in that capacity was engaged in Admiral Truget's unsuccessful expedition against Sardinia. Having returned, after the failure of that expedition, to Corsica, he remained there till the family was compelled to fly, in April or May, 1793, in consequence of refusing to join in Paoli's counter revolutionary movement. They found refuge in Marseilles, and almost their sole resource, at this time, was Napoleon's pay as captain of artillery, to which rank he had risen.

Joseph proceeded to Paris, to obtain, from the Convention, forces for the recovery of Corsica; but, on the surrender of Toulon to the English, the corps

of six thousand men destined for this service, and to which Napoleon was attached, was sent to aid in beseiging . that city. The commander of the artillery before Toulon being too old for service, the battering operations soon passed under the management of Napoleon, and his talent and knowledge thus exhibited, laid the foundation of his military fame. His services in the capture of the city were rewarded with the rank of chef de brigade, and he received a command in the army of the Alps, principally through the favor of the younger Robespierre, then acting in the south of France as commissioner from the Convention. Napoleon's headquarters were at Nice, and the family, to be near him, took a house near by,― Joseph, however, and Lucien, being employed, the one at Marseilles, the other at St. Maximin, in the commissary department. Lucien states, in his memoirs, that Napoleon, while at Nice, was strongly urged, at a time when he, Lucien, was on a visit to his brother, to go to Paris to take the command of the troops of the Convention in place of Henriot; that is, to play for Robespierre the same part of putting down opposition by force, that some fifteen months later he played for Barras and the Directory. He declined this invitation, and very soon after the revolution of Thermidor sent Robespierre to the guillotine. As a protégé of the younger Robespierre, Bonaparte fell under the suspicion of the new Thermidorian commissioners, and probably it was from this circumstance, and perhaps, in some measure, from confounding him with Lucien, that he is sometimes represented as having been a red republican. For a while he was even under arrest—at least, his papers were seized; but he soon obtained his liberty, and served out the campaign, at the conclusion of which, he and the family returned to Marseilles. Napoleon himself, before long, proceeded to Paris; but exactly when, or under what circumstances, does not clearly appear. Most, or all, of his biographers give an account of his position at Paris at this period, which is by no means borne out by his own letters, printed in this collection, and beginning May 23d, 1795. Lucien Bonaparte, Bourrienne, and the Duchess of Abrantes, all represent Napoleon as, at this period, almost or quite in distress--unable to get employVOL. VII.-33

ment-refusing to serve in the Vendee, and on that account struck from the list of general officers, and driven, by his necessities, to a wild scheme of going to Turkey, for which he vainly solicited an appointment; and as having been suddenly raised from obscurity and poverty by being selected by Barras to command on the day of the Sections. This latter statement is abundantly refuted by these letters; and if Napoleon was reduced to the straits in which, partly, doubtless, for the sake of the contrast, his biographers delight to place him, it must have been in that short part of his residence at Paris which precedes the commencement of this correspondence. With that "good fortune" for a long time so favorable to the Bonaparte family, and which Napoleon remarks, in a letter to be presently quoted, "had never yet deserted him," just as his own position became somewhat precarious. Joseph had placed himself in a condition of independence, by marrying Mademoiselle Clary, the daughter of a rich merchant at Marseilles. In the very first letter of this collection, Napoleon shows himself on the look out to purchase for his brother, with a part of his wife's fortune, an estate near Paris; rather, it would appear, a scheme of his own than of Joseph'sthus, at his first appearance, taking the lead, and dragging Joseph along, as he does throughout this entire collection of letters.

In this first letter, May 23, 1795, he writes:

"France is not to be found abroad. Living about in sea-ports, is rather after the manner of an adventurer, or of a man who has his fortune to make. If you are wise, you have only to enjoy yours."

Unluckily for Joseph, he was not wise enough to consider his fortune as made, nor was Napoleon always the giver of such judicious advice. A month later, June 23d, 1795, Napoleon writes:

"I am engaged as general of brigade in the army of the West, but not in the artillery. I am ill-which forces me to take a furlough of two or three months. When my health is reestablished. I shall see what I can do."

"July 19th, 1795. No news from you yet, though it is more than a month since you left me. It appears from this, that Joseph had paid him a visit in Paris.] Junot's servant, Richard, who went in charge of my horses, has been taken prisoner by the Chouans, twelve miles from Nantes. Horses here are above all price. The one that I gave to you (this does not look.

like extreme poverty] is worth five times what it cost me; take care of it. Junot is here, leading the life of a jolly companion, and spending as much as he can of his father's money.'

So much for Junot-who is represented by his wife, in her memoirs, as helping Napoleon to live, by sharing

with him such remittances as he obtained from home, through his mother; and so much for the story of Napoleon's being deprived of his rank because he refused to serve in Vendee.

Now for

the other story of his vainly soliciting, in lack of some other employment, a mission to Turkey:

"August 20th. I am attached, for the present, to the topographical board of the Committee of Public Safety for the direction of the armies. I replace Carnot. If I ask it, I can be sent to Turkey, as general of artillery, commissioned by the government to organize the Grand Seignior's artillery, with a good salary, and a very flattering diplomatic title. I would have you appointed consul, and Villeneuve [married to a sister of Joseph's wife] accompany me as engineer; you say M. Danthome married to another of the demoiselles Clary] is there already; therefore, before a month is over, I should arrive in Genoa, we should go together to Leghorn, where we should embark; considering all this, will you purchase an estate? I shall take with me five or six officers. I will write you more in detail to-morrow. The resolutions of the Committee of Public Safety, appointing me director of the armies and of the plans of the campaign, have been so flattering to me, that I fear that they will not let me go to Turkey; we shall see. Continue to write to me as if I were going to Turkey."

"August 25th, 1796. I am overwhelmed with business from one o'clock in the afternoon. At five o'clock I go to the committee, and work from eleven in the evening till three o'clock the next morning."

"Sept. 5th. The committee have decided that it is impossible for me to leave France during the war. I am to be reappointed to the artillery, and I shall probably continue to attend the committee."

"Sept. 26th. My mission is talked of more than ever; it would have been settled by this time, if there were not so much excitement here; but there is now some disturbance, and embers which may burst into flames. It will be over in a few days."

How these disturbances ended, and the result on Napoleon's fortunes, we shall presently see. Meanwhile we may note the flat contradictions as to Napoleon's position for weeks previous to the Day of the Sections, as exhibited in his letters written at the moment, and as set forth by the recollections, years afterwards, of persons who might be supposed to have known the truth, and who, no doubt, intended to tell it-contradictions which form one, among ten thousand other proofs, how slippery

mere recollection is. What was written at the very time, forms the best, and, indeed, only very reliable basis of his

tory.

There are quite a number of references in these letters to Napoleon's fancy for Mademoiselle Eugenie Desirée Clary, sister of Joseph's wife, and his disposition to marry her. There is every indication that at this time he was decidedly a lover, and not being very successful, rather a moping and melanThus he writes: choly one.

"May 23d, 1795. Remember me to your wife, to Desirée, and to all your family."

"June 25th, 1795. I will execute your wife's commission immediately. Desirée asks me for my portrait. [Your in the translation, but that is wrong; it is mon in the French.] I am go ing to have it painted. You will give it to her if she still wishes for it; if not, keep it for yourself. In whatever circumstances you may be placed by fortune, you know well, my friend, that you cannot have a better or a dearer friend than myself, or one who wishes more sincerely for your happiness. Life is a flimsy dream, soon to be over. If you are going away, and you think it may be for some time, send me your portrait; we have lived together for so many years, so closely united, that our hearts have become one; you best know how certainly mine belongs to you. While I write these lines, I feel an emotion which I have seldom experienced. I fear it will be long before we shall see each other again, and I can write no more."

The above letter was written to Joseph; but it has much the sound of being meant in part, at least, for Mademoiselle Clary. Napoleon's great anxiety to buy an estate for his brother near Paris, was, perhaps, partly prompted by his desire to get that lady near him. Possibly the sickness that prevented him from joining the army of the West, was partly love-sickness, and unwillingness to leave Paris till this matter was settled. He writes:

"July 7th, 1795. I have had no news of you since you went. [Joseph, to be nearer Corsica, had recently gone to Genoa, where he had been joined by his wife and her sister.] To reach Genoa the river Lethe must be crossed -for since she has been there Desirée writes me no longer."

"July 18th, 1795. Luxury, pleasure, and the arts are reviving here in a wonderful man ner. Yesterday they acted Phédre at the opera-house, for the benefit of a former actress; the crowd was immense from two o'clock in the afternoon, although the prices were trebled. Equipages and dandies are reappearing, or rather they remember their period of eclipse only as a long dream. Libraries are formed, and we have lectures on history, chemistry, botany, astronomy, etc. We have heaped together here all that can make life amusing. Reflection is banished.

How is it possible to see the dark side of things, when the mind is constantly whirled about in this giddy vortex? Women go every. where to the theatres, to the public walks, to the public libraries; you find beauties in the philosopher's study: here, more than in any other country, do women claim to hold the helm. Indeed, all the men are mad about them they think only of them, and live only for and through them. A woman does not know her value, or the extent of her empire, till she has spent six months in Paris."

"July 19th. No letter from you yet. I have not heard, either. from Desirée, since she has been in Genoa. You will make use, I suppose, of your visit to Genoa. to send home our plate and valuables. I long to hear from you, and for tidings of all your circle. Love to your wife, whom I desire earnestly to meet in Paris, where life is much happier than at Genoa. This is the place where an honest and prudent man, who cares only for his friends, may live just as he likes-in perfect freedom."

July 25th. I am appointed general in the army of the West, but my illness keeps me here. I expect more detailed accounts from you. I suppose that you purposely avoid telling me anything of Desirée. I do not know whether she is still alive. Your letters are very dry; you are so prudent and laconic that you tell me nothing. When will you return? Goodby, my dear friend; health, gayety, happiness, and pleasure to you. I have sent you letters from Mariette, Freron, and Barras, introducing you to the chargé des affaires of the republic."

"July 30th, 1795. You will receive with this letter the passport you asked for. To-morrow you will have a letter from the Committee of Foreign Affairs to our minister in Genoa; he is asked to give you all the help that you may want. I suppose that when you wish to return, you will let me know. You will proba bly be made a consul in Italy. If I go to Nice [he had intimated in a previous letter that he might be re-appointed to a command in the army of the Alps] we shall meet, and Desirée likewise. This great nation gives itself up to pleasure-balls, theatres, women (and ours are the finest in the world), are the great business of life. Ease, luxury, fashion have all reappeared; the Reign of Terror is remembered only as a dream."

"Aug. 1st. You never tell me anything of Mademoiselle Eugenie, nor of the children that you ought to be expecting; you are strangely forgetful of your duty in that respect. Pray let us have a little nephew. You must make a beginning. Julie would make an excellent mother: you deprive her of the greatest happiness of life-nursing, and bringing up one's children. What are you doing at Genoa? What is said there? How are you amusing yourself? I should think that it must be a very. different place from this, which is the centre of science, pleasure, art, and civil liberty. A new play was acted to-day, entitled Fabius; I will send it to you when it is printed. Adieu, my dear friend; I wish you happiness, freedom from care, courage, and friendship. My compliments to Julie, and say something to the silent lady."

"Aug. 9th. I have received a letter from Desirée, which seems to be very old; you never told of it. We get on very well here, and are very happy. It appears as if every one wanted to make up for past sufferings, and the uncertainty of the future prompts people

to enjoy unsparingly the present. Good-by, my dear friend: be cautious as to the future, and satisfied with the present; be gay: learn to amuse yourself. As for me, I am happy. I only want to find myself on the battle-field; a soldier must win laurels, or perish gloriously."

"Aug. 12th. Let me often hear from you. You contrive never to tell me anything; you keep me so ill-informed, that I know not whether to decide upon going to the south or the north. Is it a want of tact, or of interest on your part? Yet it is impossible for me to doubt either your intelligence or affection. This town is always the same-always in pursuit of pleasure, devoted to women, to the thea tres, balls, the public walks, and the artists studios.

"Fesch [their mother's half-brother, not many years older than Joseph and Napoleon -afterwards cardinal] seems to wish to return to Corsica, after the peace; he is always the same, living in the future, sending me letters of six pages about some subtilty no broader than a needle's point; the present is no more to him than the past; the future is everything. As for me, little attached to life, contemplating it without much solicitude, constantly in the state of mind in which one is on the eve of the day before a battle-feeling that while death is always amongst us, to put an end to all, anxiety is folly; everything joins to make ne defy fortune and fate. In time, I shall not get out of the way when a carriage crosses. I sometimes wonder at my own state of mind. It is the result of what I have seen, and what I have risked. Good-by, dear Joseph."

'Sept. 3d. The estate nine leagues from Paris, which I thought of buying for you, was sold yesterday, I had made up my mind to give 1,500,000 francs for it, [in assignats, that is, worth about thirty for one] but, strange to say, it went for 3,000,000."

"Sept. 5th. National property, and confiscated estates are not dear, but those belonging to individuals go for extravagant prices. If I stay here [in an extract from this letter, already given, he had announced the decision of the committee, that he could not be spared to go to Turkey, but must remain in France during the war] it is possible that I may be fool enough to marry. I wish for a few words from you on the subject. Perhaps it would be well to speak to Eugenie's brother. Let me know the result, and all shall be settled."

"Sept. 6th. There is no fear for the constitution; [the directorial constitution of the year 3] it will be accepted unanimously; the only cause of alarm is the decree retaining two-thirds of the convention. I shall remain in Paris, chiefly on your business. Whatever happens, you need fear nothing for me; all honest people are my friends, to whatever party they may belong. This refers to the royalist reaction, already referred to in some of the previous letters, and the agitation in Paris, that led, shortly after, to the day of the Sections. It is to be noticed, by the way, that throughout this entire correspondence, Napoleon always assumes that all "honest men" are his friends, and that all his enemies are rascals.] Continue to write to me fully, tell me your plans: manage my business so that my absence may not interfere with my wishes. I am writing to your wife.

You know well that I only live to give pleasure to my friends. If my wishes are rewarded by the good fortune which has yet