fortresses should be garrisoned by regular troops. The entire administration was left to the Knias-as Milosch now officially styled himself-a reform was introduced into the system of taxation -Turks not belonging to the garrisons were forbidden to remain in the country (no other alternative presented itself to Osmanlis not claiming the personal services of a Servian-a practice still prevalent in regard to some Christian people in remote parts of the Empire). No restrictions were left with reference to apparel or dwellings, nor were arms any longer prohibited. Numerous churches were built, and schools and hospitals established. The Servians were also permitted to elect bishops and metropolitans from their own nation, and taxes could no longer be imposed by Greek bishops. The right of confirming the election of Servian eparchs was, however, left with the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople. In the spring of 1830, Turkish and Russian commissioners travelled over the country to settle its boundaries. The only drawback to all these good intentions was as is always the case, the Pasha, and other Osmanli officials did not believe in them. The Pasha of Widdin treated them with open contempt and ridicule. On the Drina, the Servians were attacked by armed men and robbed of their horses and money. A more severe servitude, indeed, than ever was for some time imposed on the Christians in disputed districts, as at Kruschewaz and Alexinatz. At length several young girls having been forcibly carried off, the people--no longer disposed to submit tamely to such outrages-rose in rebellion in the border districts of the Kraina and Klintsch, and the fierce revenge of the Servians was only appeased by the boundaries having been definitely fixed in May 1833.

Milosch, we have seen, was elected by the Servians as their chief in 1817, and this election was renewed at the diet of 1827. In 1830, he was once more acknowledge as Prince of Servia, and the Porte made the dignity hereditary, at the expressed wish of the Servians themselves. His position remained, as it had been from the first, a combination of Turkish supremacy and the free choice of the Servians. On his side he seemed to consider himself the founder of a dynasty, and to regard his authority as final and inviolable. His administration continued to be characterised by the same harshness and severity as when a firm and indissoluble union was essential to the liberation of the country. He adoptedc. the "Code of Napoleon" as the basis of legislation in the country. But the public power, represented by Milosch, was not so far civilised or so intimately blended with Eastern practices, that it did not yet distinctly acknowledge private rights. Milosch took possession of whatever he pleased-fields, houses, and mills-fixing the price himself. He one day burnt down one of the suburbs of

Belgrade, because it was his intention to erect new buildings on the site. He also upheld one of the worst features of Oriental rule -that of bond-service. Another Oriental practice was that the people were not remunerated for quartering and provisioning officials, messengers, and soldiers. A momke would leave his wornout jade in a village, and take the first horse he could find as a substitute. Milosch also endeavoured to monopolise the most lucrative trade of the country, that of dealing in swine. He enclosed land and woods, which had hitherto been common to all, for his own purposes. In fact, he considered himself absolute master over the land, the people, and their property. And woe to the man who opposed him, or appeared dangerous to him! He exercised his power of life and death as despotically, and as irresponsibly, as any Turkish Pasha.

This system of oppressive rule soon engendered discontent, and it was resolved that at the next Skupschtina, the assembly should meet in great numbers and should enforce-even by violence, if necessary-an alteration in this absolute and tyrannical rule. Milosch, endowed with great quickness of apprehension, saw that the defection was general, and, to avert the fate that awaited him, he immediately determined to leave the country. He was, however, prevailed upon to remain, as the people, he was told, did not wish his person or his life, or even to overthrown his government they only wanted security and their rights.

Milosch pledged himself that at the next diet everything should be arranged agreeably to their wishes, and he accordingly, in an opening address, explained the reforms which he proposed. Government was to be limited, not only by law, but by a kind of constitution; a ministry was to be appointed who would submit public business to a Council of State. He appeared even willing to reserve to himself only the supreme superintendence and confirmation of their edicts. Ideas, flowing from the constitutional movements of Europe were making their way into this halforiental State. These ideas involved the rights and privileges of men-personal liberty and security of property-responsibility of ministers-and, lastly, that the prince himself should be amenable to the laws. It is, however, one thing to frame regulations under some strong momentary impulse, and another to carry them into effect.

The two great neighbouring empires at once set their faces against anything at that time held to be so revolutionary as a constitution! The Porte had a similar horror of anything of the kind; and thus Milosch, who regarded himself as the natural leader of all the Slavonian Christians in the Turkish empire, continued to reign as though a constitution had never been framed. He

became, if possible, yet more inflexible, and his monopolies were rendered more systematic. Misunderstandings had arisen between Russia on the one hand, and England and France on the other, and an English consul was sent to Servia and was favourably received by Milosch. This gave an offence at St. Petersburg. By a curious inversion of ideas, the Constitutional States were in favour of an absolute prince in a country like Servia-in a state little above barbarism-whilst the absolute Powers contended for a restriction of his authority.

The absolute Powers, being the nearest and having most concern with Servia, carried the day. The Porte, with the connivance of Russia, created a senate, the members of which Milosch had not the power of dismissing, and which was henceforth to restrict the authority of the prince within the narrowest possible limits, and to possess the virtual rule.

Milosch, perceiving that his greatest enemies -- especially Wutschitsch-were the first senators nominated, took refuge in Semlin; but hearing that a movement had been made in his favour, he returned and offered to allay the excitement. But Wutschitsch took this in his own hands. He then returned to Belgrade, at the head of his victorious army, and repairing with his momkes to the palace, he told Milosch that the nation would no longer have him as its head: if he wished it, he would call the assembled multitude, who would confirm his assertion. Milosch answered," If they no longer desire to have me, it is well: I will not obtrude myself further upon them." Upon this an instrument was drawn up, in which Milosch formally abdicated in favour of his son, after which he proceeded to cross over into Austrian territory.

Milosch, attached to his notions, which he had imbibed through his intercourse with so many pashas, had attempted to reign according to the old unreformed system of the Ottoman empire, and now he had that very Power aiding in his downfall. Milan, his eldest son, was too ill to assume the princely power, and Wutschitsch and others had to-form a provisional government, until the succession of Michael, Milosch's second son, was determined upon. The Porte associated with him Wutschitsch and Petroniewitsch as official counsellors; but the Servians themselves did not approve of this tutellage, and rebelled against it. Michael himself, apparently harassed by the state of dissension which pervaded the country, removed the seat of government to Belgrade, where he would at least be under the protection of a Turkish Pasha. The opposition insisted upon this, on a change of ministry, which Michael having resisted, a campaign on a very small scale was entered upon by the young prince against Wutschitsch. The latter, however, proved

to be the stronger of the two, and nothing remained for Michael -who was ultimately murdered at Topchi-Dereh-but to leave the country, which he at once did; whilst Wutschitsch entered victoriously into Belgrade, styling himself "Leader of the Nation,' and assuming the supreme authority.

Had the Obrenowitsches succeeded in their design of ruling the country on the old Turkish system, they would have obtained a position resembling that of the hereditary Pashas of Scutari; but they could not agree amongst themselves, one worked against another, secretly or openly a state of things which may be considered as normal in the Christian principalities in Turkey in Europe-and this gave their adversaries the ascendancy, and led inevitably to their total ruin.

Wutschitsch, in a similar manner, although claiming sole power, had to give way before the claims of others for ascendancy; and a provisional government was formed and a grand diet convened, at which Alexander, son of Kara-George, was brought forward and received with a shout of joy. The Porte promptly acknowledged the newly-elected chief as Kuias of Servia. Russia alone was discontented, and as Kara Georgewitsch's (or "the son of black George," as Alexander was surnamed) election had been carried in a tumultuous and invalid manner, insisted that a new election should take place in a more regular form. This was accordingly done with the same results, and the Servians maintained their right to choose their own prince. The removal of Kiami Pasha and the two Servian chiefs, Wutschitsch and Petroniewitsch, was also insisted upon by Russia, as instrumental in the downfall of the Obrenowitschs. Upon this being effected, Alexander was again confirmed in his position, as what was described as "the distinguished among the princes of the Moesian people."

But an election, viewed with distrust by Russia, was not destined to last long. Those intrigues which are so characteristic of all Servian history were now fomented from without, and ultimately the Obrenowitsch family, more subservient to the rule of others, supplanted that of the more national Kara Georges, in the person of the actual prince, Milan Obrenowitsch-leaving the same antagonism of the two pretenders to the throne, in abeyance. One of the apologies for Servia rushing into war at the bidding of the Panslavic portion of the Russians, backed by the whole influence of Russia itself, has been that if Milan did not yield to the pressure his place would be once more taken by Kara-Georgewitsch. The war thus entered upon, at the bidding of another power, had not only nothing to justify it, but was most ungrateful to the Porte, which had granted a complete autonomy, in so far as local

government was concerned; nor did Russia, by its intervention, pay that respect to the Treaty of Paris which was to be expected from an honourable power.

It is impossible to understand the complications which exist in the internal policy of Servia; still less is it possible to arrive at any proximate estimate of a possible future, without some slight study -such as has never been attempted to be sketched-of its past history. It is quite certain that so long as the Porte shall maintain in its Christian provinces the exclusive privileges and prerogatives of the followers of Islam, the simplest and most rightful claims of the Christian population will remain unheeded-revolts will continually arise and outrages will be as incessantly renewed.

But the Sublime Porte has not only promised reforms, but is earnestly engaged in carrying such out, in respect to all its Christian populations. It cannot, unless it wishes to commit political suicide, consent to the perfect autonomy or independence of one principality or population more than another, or to the same being handed over to other powers, as Russia or Austria. But it can grant such an amount of independence in self-government as shall set them for ever free from Turkish misgovernment or oppression. This is all that ought to be required of her, and Servia really possessed as much ere she rushed into disastrous warfare, under pretence of liberating her co-religionaries, but really to carry out a dream of Panslavic supremacy.

The spirit of modern times, which seeks the emancipation of the Christian tribes, operates, mainly, by political means. It does not aim at the annihilation of Islamism, either by conversion or force. Still, it seeks to restrainits pretensions within due limits, and it is fully justified in not only endeavouring to prevent the followers of the Christian religion from being trampled on simply because they are Christians, but also in securing to them such an amount of local government as shall at once remove them, and protect them, from Turkish despotism and the commital of outrages.

How difficult it is to assure such a state is sufficiently attested by the recent war, to which Servia, under its own prince, its own administration, and its securities guaranteed by the European Powers, must still commit itself, prompted by Russo-Panslavonic ambition to extend its own power over neighbouring Christian populations. It is quite true that Servia has long been regarded as the precursor of the minor states of the eastern corner of Europe, in the struggle for emancipation from Turkish thaldrom; but nothing could justify her, knowing from past history her utter incapability to combat Turkey single-handed, throwing herself into the hands of Russia to obtain the emancipation of other peoples. There is in all this only another manifestation of that