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Senate that Mr. Busse began to attract attention as a conspicuous political leader. In 1902 he was elected State Treasurer, holding that office for two years. On January 8, 1906, he took the office of postmaster at Chicago by appointment of President Roosevelt, on the recommendation of United States Senators Cullom and Hopkins.

Busse became a candidate and was nominated unanimously.

The election contest was bitter in the extreme. A brief restatement of the opposing lines of criticism may be illuminating:

Mayor Dunne, seeking re-election as the Democratic nominee, was characterized as weak, vacillating, and totally lacking in administrative capacity. He was charged with filling the city hall with cranks and incompetents. He was especially criticised for his flop on traction. After a settlement ordinance had been worked out substantially on lines proposed by himself and his own special counsel, Mr. Walter L. Fisher, Mayor Dunne turned against the ordinance. This reversal, his critics said, was due to Hearst influence. The ordinance was approved on

while Mr. Busse's plurality was less than 13,000. Had Mayor Dunne stood by the settlement ordinance, and claimed credit for it as the achievement of his administration, it is probable that he would have been reelected. The defenders of Mayor Dunne admitted to a large degree his weakness and vacillation, but they pointed to his reputation for personal honesty, his good intentions, and his devotion to the cause of the many as opposed to the interests of the few, as reasons why he should be elected over his opponent.

To understand Mr. Busse's rise an explanation of the political situation in Chicago is necessary. That city has never known the one-man rule with which so many American communities are familiar. Political power in the Western metropolis has been centered in an oligarchy rather than in an autocracy. Mr. Busse is one of that oligarchy of about half a dozen Republican political leaders who work together in varying degrees of harmony, no one being able to dominate alone. Co- a referendum vote by a majority of 33,000, operation among a majority of these leaders is necessary for the control of conventions, and ordinarily practical unanimity of action is requisite to the carrying of elections. Mr. Busse's power as a leader has grown until he is able to speak absolutely in all conventions for four out of Chicago's thirty-five wards. While other leaders occasionally have trouble in holding their wards continuously in line, Busse has none, largely because he has made it his policy, at least in matters of conspicuous public interest, to represent the real public sentiment of his territory. He has done this even though at times he has seemed, by so doing, to jeopardize his own political advantage. But because of the very fact that he has given his attention primarily to satisfying his own political constituency, he has placed himself in a position to profit from the jealous bickerings among the other leaders. For example, he was selected for postmaster very largely because he was an available candidate with which one faction in Illinois politics could work discomfiture to another. It is doubtful if Mr. Busse at the outset really cared to be Mayor. He realized that his candidacy probably would provoke personal criticism. He entertains a positive dislike for the ornamental duties of the position, and probably recognizes that he is not well qualified for ornamental functions. But while some important elements in the Republican party secretly did not want Busse for Mayor, none would offer open opposition to him in either primaries or convention. His unanimous nomination was conceded should he be a candidate, while any other seeker for the office was practically certain to provoke a bitter primary fight. In this situation Mr.

Mr. Busse was strongly criticised on personal grounds. It was contended that his election would be a triumph for machine politics. It was said that the special interests and the vicious elements were nearly all backing Busse, and that his success would mean the intrenchment in power of the public-utility corporations and a "wide open town" in the fullest significance of that term.

Not only the special interests, but the business interests generally, were with the Republican nominee as against Mayor Dunne. The friends of Mr. Busse contend that the special interests will get nothing more than fair treatment under his administration. Mr. Busse did indeed arouse enthusiasm in the ranks of the so-called "libéral element," but he by no means took all that element away from Mayor Dunne. Friends of the new Mayor, who is a German by descent, insist that he will go no further in this line than is consistent with respectable German notions of liberality; that his administration will do more than its predecessors to suppress criminality and manifestations of vice. What the Republican nominee did have to a marked de

gree was the active support of the organiza- icalism. It is as a practical administrator tion political workers, unitedly of his own party, and to some extent of the opposite party as well.

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The independent voters, as a rule, were not pleased with the situation. Neither candidate was entirely satisfactory to many of them, and apparently the independent vote was about evenly divided. Before the time for filing nomination papers had closed there was demand in many quarters for an independent candidate, and Mr. Walter L. Fisher was looked to as the natural choice for that purpose. But Mr. Fisher could not see his way clear to take the leadership of such a movement. The independent voters in the main appear since election to be much more hopeful of a good administration than they were while the campaign was in progress.

that Mr. Busse's friends expect him to score brilliant triumphs, and it is improved administration of which Chicago stands most in need to-day. For ten years that community has been fighting over questions of policy and has been choosing mayors chiefly with a view to their attitude on such questions, with the result that administration has been lost sight

of. Mr. Busse

comes into office pledged primarily to improve the quality of administration, and his friends express every confidence that he will succeed in that to a marked degree, while in no wise endangering any policy clearly approved by public opinion. The chief reason assigned for believing that Busse will give a good administration is that he has used his power as a political leader as a rule to bring into public life capable men who have made good records. Of the high-class men holding office in Chicago to-day a larger proportion owe their nominapapers. Mr. Hearst himself went to Chi- tions to Busse than to any other one political cago to assist Mayor Dunne, taking with leader. By temperament the new Mayor is him from New York a special staff of cartoonists and editorial writers, Mr. Arthur Brisbane heading the latter. The fear that Mayor Dunne, if elected, would allow his administration to be used in furtherance of Mr. Hearst's Presidential aspirations undoubtedly was a factor in leading some Democrats to support Busse.


All the Englishspeaking dailies, including the independent press, supported Mr. Busse,

except the Hearst


What kind of a Mayor will Busse make? That is the question the answer to which all Chicago is awaiting with keen interest.

Mr. Busse is not likely to prove an originator of policies, unless it be administrative policies. By temperament he is cautious, and accustomed to prefer the safe and the tried to the experimental. He is more likely to err on the side of conservatism than of rad


a man who does things." He is a hard worker who likes to get results, whether in business, politics, or as the holder of public office. As postmaster at Chicago he has given an efficient administration. When he wanted anything at Washington he did not write. He went there in person. During his year and a quarter of service as postmaster he has been to Washington twelve times, never taking more than three or four days for each trip. He has succeeded in having over 500 employees added to the postoffice force in Chicago. Various improvements in local office management have also been made by him. Discipline has been well maintained.

As a member of the Legislature Mr. Busse generally has shown a desire to do what pub

lic opinion clearly demanded. In 1895 he voted for the Chicago civil-service law, a reform of fundamental importance. His support has been forthcoming for other beneficial measures approved by persons in whom he had confidence. During his first term in the Legislature Mr. Busse voted for certain objectionable street-railway and gas bills, vetoed by Governor Altgeld. These matters had not been much discussed prior to that time. In the next session, however, when public opinion had begun to take form, Mr. Busse went on record in opposition to all such measures, including the Allen law. In the following session, when the Allen law had become a burning political issue, he took an active part in forcing its speedy, repeal. This course on his part would seem to give the cue to his attitude on public-utility questions. He will treat these interests fairly, perhaps even liberally at times. He will not go out of his way to make campaign material for himself by stirring up issues with them. But whenever a clash arises he will endeavor to act in accordance with public opinion, if that can be clearly gauged. This does not mean that he is easily changeable. On the contrary, if he definitely commits himself to a certain course, especially where a friend is involved, he is likely to adhere to it regardless of criticisms or consequences.

Mr. Busse's course since election is taken to indicate that he desires to give an efficient administration. His selections for some of the most important positions, like Mr. Brundage for corporation counsel and Mr. Wilson for comptroller, tend to inspire public confidence. The retention of Mr. Fisher as special traction counsel is taken as an indication that the Mayor desires to have the traction-settlement ordinance carried out in good faith. He has asked a group of leading physicians to suggest the name of a proper person for head of the department of health. The severest strain will come when the smaller partisan spoilsmen begin to make demand for recognition, as they are sure to do. While Mr. Busse seemingly is desirous of

making a good record for efficiency, he is not likely to forget that he is himself a partisan organization politician, and students of municipal government contend that political partisanship and the highest order of efficiency .in municipal administration are incompatible. By which star is Mr. Busse most likely to direct his course, efficiency or partisanship? It is a likely guess that he will try to steer a middle path between the two. In that event he may give Chicago a much better administration than it has hitherto enjoyed, but he must come short of the excellence that is attainable only through the complete elimination of consideration of partisan politics.

Among Mr. Busse's supporters are men of various types and widely differing economic and social status. I asked one of the new Mayor's high-grade adherents what his chief could do consistently with public interests to satisfy some of the less desirable of his following. The reply was: "No man can win in politics with the help of the good alone. All elements are necessary to success. Mr. Busse may bestow small patronage among these workers, but he will select only capable men for the prominent positions. The man's good fellowship and democratic ways largely account for his popularity with all classes." Mr. Busse certainly does inspire personal loyalty, as witness the enthusiasm shown for him during the campaign by the many Busy Busse Boosters."

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Mr. Busse has always maintained friendly relations with the workmen in his employ, and has been on good terms with the unions. But he is expected to exercise a firm hand in maintaining public order in the event of "labor disturbances."

While he will seek and act upon advice from many quarters, there can be no doubt that Mr. Busse himself will be the real Mayor during his term of office and that the directing hand at the helm will be his.

Mr. Busse will be the first Mayor of Chicago to hold office for a four-year term, the period heretofore having been two years.

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One of the most remarkable figures of that half-century of our national history which had the Civil War as its center and focus, Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, celebrates on the 27th of the present month her eighty-eighth birthday. Mrs. Howe attained eminence in the widely different fields of authorship, philanthropy, and politics. She was born in New York City on May 27, 1819. From her mother, Julia Rush Ward, she inherited an unusual literary talent, and upon her marriage, in 1843, to Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe, the eminent philanthropist, she began conducting with him the Boston Commonwealth, an anti-slavery journal, continuing up to the time of the Civil War. After the slavery question had been settled she became active in woman's suffrage, prison reform, the cause of universal peace, and other philanthropic causes. For almost half a century she has been known as a writer and lecturer on social sub.jects, and for several years during the late '90's of the past century she frequently preached from Unitarian pulpits. Her best-known literary work is undoubtedly her fine poem "The Battle Hymn of the Republic," which was written while visiting the camps near Washington in 1861 and published first in the Atlantic Monthly. Other well-known poems of hers are Passion Flowers," Words for the Hour," and "From Sunset Ridge." Well known, also, are her essays and prose writings, "A Trip to Cuba," "Sex and Education," "A Life of Margaret Fuller," "Is Polite Society Polite?" and her fascinating "Reminiscences."





(Assistant Secretary of Agriculture.)

WITHOUT any noise or campaign the ics as elective studies into their general high

recent Congress made large contributions to education and research in agriculture, mechanic arts, and home economics. During its first session a law was passed increasing the annual appropriation for State experiment stations from $15,000 to $30,000 annually, a total annual increase of $720,000. During the second session a law was enacted which will raise the federal appropriation to each of the State colleges of agriculture and mechanic arts from $25,000 to $50,000, a total increase for industrial education in the forty-eight States of $1,200,000 annually.

In 1862, to induce the States to establish these institutions and colleges related to the industries, Congress gave lands to be sold and the proceeds used as endowment funds. From these the colleges, secure an annual income of about $15,000 as an average for all States. Subsequent appropriations make available to these State colleges and stations an average of $95,000, or a total of over $4,500,000, each year. The States have more than duplicated this amount for current expenses, giving $3,846,000, besides spending $6,765,000 annually in adding to the equipment of these institutions.

There was introduced at the last session of Congress a bill to appropriate $8,000,000 annually for industrial education in high schools of secondary grade. It is proposed in that bill to devote about half of this sum to instruction in mechanic arts and home economics in city high schools and half to instruction in agriculture and home economics in agricultural high schools. There have been established in various States between thirty and forty agricultural high schools articulating with the rural schools below and with the agricultural colleges above. As these schools return most of their graduates to country life, they are properly said to articulate with the farm also. This bill would cause the States to establish two or three hundred more of these agricultural high schools, one for each ten agricultural counties. Numerous cities have established mechanic arts high schools, and others have introduced mechanic arts and home econom

school courses.

There have been organized in two or three hundred townships, or preferably in districts containing only twenty-five square miles, two or three hundred consolidated rural schools, six to ten isolated rural schools being consolidated into one, and the pupils are carried to and from school at public expense. In some of these schools the attempt to introduce instruction in agriculture and home economics is being successfully made. It is. found that while the little rural schools cannot afford teachers trained to instruct in agriculture and home economics, the consolidated school can afford to pay a principal and an assistant principal who are trained to teach these subjects and to give inspiration in country life generally to the rural pupils. It has been demonstrated also that the consolidated rural school can afford to build up a simple laboratory, support a small farm, develop a library, and secure other necessary equipment to use in successfully teaching agriculture and home economics. Further, it is found that teachers with specific training for country-life educational work can cooperate with the parents so that much of the home duties of the rural youth may be made far more educational as well as more interesting than heretofore. There is evident ground for the claim that consolidated rural schools and the work of the home life on the farm can be so developed under co-operation between teacher and parent as to provide far better education for our rural youth than can possibly be devised for youth while living in city homes. In the city primary schools also there is being introduced much instruction in manual training.

All of this technical and practical work is found to have an educational value comparable with the value of the studies commonly taught. It helps each pupil to find out the line of effort in which he should and can best succeed and which each will most enjoy. The body of knowledge being developed under the expenditure of tens and even hundreds of millions of dollars devoted to research in rural affairs and to the other in

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