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Now, let us look at the industrial plants: was sent to this country by the Mikado with Baldwin locomotives, telephones, electric appa- a certain important mission. "During the ratus, street-cars, and practically all the machines
in small shops are imported from the United eighteen months of my recent sojourn in States. These imports are increasing year by America," says this statesman, ." I found out year, while at the same time our exports to the that religious prejudice against our country United States are increasing with equal rapidi- was not so strong among the Americans as ty. Since the United States Government has I had feared. On the contrary, they did not taken up its policy of expansion toward the hesitate to show sympathy toward us from
west the trade of the two nations, far from conflicting, is growing without any collision or disadvantage to either party. Politicians and busi
men are aware,
through their daily reports and commercial information, of the facts I have cited. Therefore it is that the people of Japan feel that under these circumstances the two nations are destined to play an important rôle in extending their trade into the continent of Asia, and that it is their natural function to open up China to international trade.
Japan sends raw material to the United States and the United States sends manufactured goods to Japan. If we sever our relations and fight each other. the commercial ties between the two nations would be shattered, and the Chinese market would fall into the hands of England, Germany and France. Thus the United States and
motives of justice and humanity. At the same time, I was led to believe that western
BARON KENTARO KANEKO.
Japan, no matter how favored by their geographical advantages on the Pacific Ocean and by their means of quick communication by the submarine cable, would lose all the benefit of the Asiatic trade. I need not stop to point out how very necessary that market is to both countries. Would that be a wise diplomatic policy which should sever our united nations? Can the people stand a policy so detrimental to international comity? I repeat that in the twentieth century it is the increase and expansion of international commerce that guides the policy of the nations. Why Not an "Intellectual Alliance"
antipathy toward Japan, springing from the difference of race, was growing keener instead of lessening." According to Baron Kaneko, this tendency is recognizable not only between the east and the west, but among the western races themselves. As an illustration, he says that in the United States peoples belonging to the Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic races become easily assimilated one with another, while their attitude toward the Latin race is no friendlier than it was formerly. Continuing, he says:
In the colonial policies of the western powers we also notice a remarkable change. In the past, religion was the chief instrument employed by the powers in their efforts to befriend backward races; now the sword and gold have taken the place of the Bible and missionaries. The United States, for example, has adopted this policy in the administration of the Philippines. It is military prowess and financial strength which form the foundation of the American policy in their new possessions in the Far East. Along with the western expansion in the Orient, Europe and America have been seriously contemplating whether they are capable of governing Oriental gions, permanently. While the western powers races, and especially those in the tropical rewere becoming more and more apprehensive of the future of their eastern colonies, Japan, the victor in one of the greatest wars of history, loomed up in the horizon of the far-eastern politics, thus adding a new anxiety to the fear of the Occidental statesmen. To-day, it is the apprehension of both Europe and America that
the Mikado's empire may not only exert inflence over her neighboring countries, but may ultimately shut out all the western nations from the entire east. In this apprehension, racial prejudice, which the West cherished against the east, has found a new leaven. Thus, the powers, which until yesterday have endeavored to come into touch with the Oriental nations through the influence of religion, do not to-day hesitate to assume hostile attitude toward Japan.
As a means of counteracting this undesirable tendency, Baron Kaneko thinks it advisable to promote intellectual intercourse between the east and west. The nations can never become friends until they understand one another. A nation needs to understand another's political and social conditions lest these two become embroiled in needless troubles. For such reasons the Baron suggests that Japan cultivate intellectual intercourse with Europe and America after an idea already adopted between the United States and Germany. On this point, he says:
Once such an example is established, it will be
tween that country and the United States of a
Baron Kaneko finds encouragement in the fact that England has recently invited Professor Kikuchi to deliver, in London, lectures on the educational system of Japan. He suggests that the Tokio Imperial University
The most notable instance of the means of
encouraging such intercourse is found in the inauguration of the Kaiser Wilhelm lectures in Columbia University and of the President promptly reciprocate England's courtesy. Roosevelt lectures in the University of Berlin. The Baron also pays compliment to ProfesSuch an arrangement will no doubt go a long way toward the obliteration of the ill-feeling sor Ladd, of Yale University, who is now that has existed between Germany and America. lecturing at various institutions in Japan.
The energy later developed by the Poles under Russian dominion in the field of cul
NEW PHASES OF THE ETERNAL POLISH PROBLEM.
RUSSIA and Prussia have been forcing
their national culture on the Poles for many decades. For many decades the Poles have borne this in patience. Now they have turned upon their oppressors.
Two years ago the Polish youths ceased attending the government schools of Russian-Poland from the lowest to the highest, demanding that instruction be given in the Polish tongue, and last year the youths of Prussian-Poland struck for their own language in religious instruction in the elementary schools. The Poles under Russian dominion have already partially triumphed. The Russian Government has permitted Polish instruction in private schools; has introduced Polish instruction in the elementary schools, and has decided to transfer to Russia the Warsaw University and the Warsaw Polytechnical School, with their professors, who, as the Poles declare, are, in reality, bureaucrats, not pedagogs.
by the government and despite the anarchic state of the country in consequence of the terrorist activity of the Socialists, has attained results that amaze the foreign world. Through the spoliatory administration of the Russian officials and the suicidal "revolution" carried on by the doctrinaires, the industry of Russian-Poland, which formerly reached with its products from the RussoGerman frontier to the Pacific Ocean, and which gave a livelihood to half a million of workmen, has been utterly destroyed. The country has no roads, no hospitals; it is without many of the most primitive arrangements of social and economic intercourse; and yet the Poles do not hesitate to sacrifice their last kopeck for one need which they recognize as the greatest,—the school.
The past year saw a broad development of the educational movement in Russian-Poland. This development is visible especially in the ten "governments governments" that comprise the Kingdom of Poland and in some of the governments " of Lithuania. The Poles
made possible for the Poles a public educational organization and the organization of their own Polish schools, the Polska Macierz Szkolna began its work by elaborating educational manuals and seeking teachers for the
tural associations; and these associations are establishing all over the country schools for children and adults, people's universities, seminaries for teachers for illiterates, school museums, permanent and circulating libraries, and are disseminating educational publica- schools. At the same time, it carried on netions. Besides innumerable local societies which have sprung up all over Russian-Poland for the "diffusion of knowledge," societies of "friends of learning," "students' aid" societies, societies of "lovers of art," "historical" societies, "geographical" societies, societies for the care of children," aeries" of the gymnastic union, Falcon (Sokol), etc., there are the associations of a more general character in education,-the Union of Teachers, the Association of Courses for Adult Illiterates, the Unity, the Circle of Polish Women in Lithuania, the Society of Polish Culture, and, most important and efficient of all, the Polish Mother of Schools (Polska Macierz Szkolna).
THE MODERN SCHOOL OF POLAND.
gotiations with the government for the Polonization of the government schools. These negotiations hd already reached a good stage; the Ministry of Education had agreed to many things, even to the formation of a miniature school board for the Kingdom of Poland, and it intimated that the government would set no obstacles to Sienkiewicz's standing at the head of that board. All these negotiations in the matter of the Polonization of the schools were broken off, however, by the "revolution." The Polish language has been introduced only in the primary schools. The Poles, therefore, set about the establishment of their own private-schools system. Since the first public convention (on July 8, 1906) of the Macierz, the institution. which was to become the center of a highly cultural and social work, its membership has grown by the rise of circles all over the country, until now it numbers more than 200,000 members.
A German-Polish Apology.
On the quasi-constitutional manifesto of October 30, which (as the Chicago Zgoda recalls) granted various trivial benefits in order not to bestow the one great benefit,—a parliament with legislative power, the Polish community built its entire present system of national schools, which has excited the Destroy a man's language and you efface admiration of the world. Says the Zgoda: his nationality. This is the basic principle The Poles availed themselves of the liberty of upon which European nations invariably proprivate teaching; the Polish Mother of Schools ceed in their work of assimilation. It is the organized an entire school system, at the head of spring which actuated Russia in her relations which such men as Sienkiewicz, Osuchowski, with Poland; it is likewise back of the and Gadomski took their stand. Contributions ($50,000); thousands gave a kopeck each; and this has enabled the community to cover RussianPoland with a net of national schools. To crown the whole work there was opened last October a Polish university in Warsaw. This is not one of the so-called people's universities, where lectures are delivered for all and about everything, but is a real university of the grade and quality of European universities. All branches of knowledge (with the exception of
were called for; one person gave 100.000 roubles
medicine) are taught in a manner that will enable the student to obtain the degree of doctor in the University of Cracow, Austrian-Poland. Among the professors in the university are Mahrburg, one of the greatest authorities on philosophy; Korzon, the greatest living Polish historian; Krzywicki, a first-rate ethnographer; Dicksztein and Kramsztyk, in mathematics and natural history, natural philosophy, and chemistry; Wroblewski and Nalkowski, in geography; while literature is taught by a dozen men eminent in that branch of knowledge. In the first three weeks of the university 1496 students had qualified.
school question in the Prussian-Polish provinces. Prussia has spent vast sums of money in efforts to buy out the Poles and supplant them with German colonists; she has availed herself of every administrative measure which could hamper the spread of Polish influence. But all has been useless. The Prussian commission has not been able to compete with the Poles in land purchases; the German colonists, in face of the Polish boycott and open antipathy, have not settled on the land. Therefore the laws in reference to the use of Polish in public meetings. And latterly the supreme effort in the prohibition of Polish in the schools.
The Poles are keenly conscious of the menace to their nationality, and they are clinging to their language with a superb determination.
That the attitude of the Poles is justified and that only the exigencies of a harsh politiWhen the development of events in Russia cal situation could have driven the govern
The very thought of such an eventuality causes Herr Ratzloff to tremble. To the above question he cries a "No!" and "again no!”
To do this would be to abandon our coun
ment to its present course, is the feeling Posen, and Silesia? Can we recreate the Polish more or less openly voiced in the German kingdom? press. Hugo Ratzloff, in frank confession of the faith in the Türmer (Stuttgart) leaves aside the comparatively unimportant question of the rights of the Poles to their language and approaches that broader consideration of the rights of the Poles to a nationality. In the end the two things meet on the same ground. The opposition of Russia and Prussia to the Polish tongue is based on precisely the same reasons as the opposition of these two dominant nations to the existence of an independent Polish state. But why should there be any objection to the Poles existing as a separate nation?
The Poles are a people of pure race and they have succeded in maintaining this racial purity even amid the vicissitudes of a triple division of their kingdom. Only a people of pure race has a history, and the history of Poland contains chapters which are not eclipsed by the records of any other nation. Therefore, how can we claim that they are unworthy to have their own house and their own state? In point of fact, they are much more worthy than many other nations. They are certainly more worthy than the modern Greeks, the Servians, and the miserable people that cover the surface of South America. But, notwithstanding this, can we in this imperfect world allow our idealistic dreams to carry us to their logical conclusion? Can we give the Poles the Slav portion of east Prussia,
try to the Oder, to jeopardize all territory to the Elbe. This would be a crime against 40,000,000 German souls, the destruction of our security, and, above all, disloyalty to our word. The Poles may be better than many other peoples, but what we have purchased with so much For politics is not a question of justice. Morally blood and tears that will we hold and keep. the division of Poland was a crime. Politically it was a necessity. A nation that is incapable of national existence but which is nevertheless a menace to the existence of neighboring states must be split up and absorbed by those neighboring states. This is the world procedure. It is manifested to us throughout the whole course of political history. In the battles of nations there is only one eternal, unchangeable law: the right of the nation to existence which is best fitted for existence. And woe to the people that ignores this law!
To expect the Poles to become loyal German citizens is to expect them to deny their nationality. But the less we expect them to do this, the less we hope for the banishment of their dreams of a new world power, the more it is our national duty to keep down the anti-German-Polish movement with an iron fist. We must either expel the splinter or we must absorb it.
FINLAND'S WOMEN TO THE FRONT.
while the provisions of the law as well as the task awaiting them as voters and as possible lawgivers were explained to them fully and clearly by the leaders of the woman movement.
THE first election under the new Finnish of pure Finnish blood and the highly educonstitution took place on March 15. cated women of the Swedish-descended intelThe outcome of it is by this time known lectual class sat side by side in rapt attention through the daily press. Its most remarkable feature, however, was wholly independent of what party carried off the victory or went down to defeat. For the first time in the history of the world European women exercised the full privilege of political suffrage, without any restriction not also applicable to the men. It is, perhaps, still more remarkable that enfranchisement was conferred on them by the commission drafting the new election law after every party in the country had put on its program a demand for woman suffrage. Between the promulgation of the law and the date set for the first election under it the women developed an activity which would in itself have proved them worthy of the rights the general spread of democratic ideas. But granted them. Schools for women voters were established everywhere, and for weeks
Miss Maikki Friberg, herself one of those leaders and a candidate for the Landdag on the ticket nominated by the Young Finnish party, writes, in Det Ny Aarhundrede (Copenhagen), of the events which logically resulted in the enfranchisement of her sex. She points out that the provision giving suffrage to the women came as a surprise to the whole civilized world, and that, when the first shock of surprise had passed, everybody regarded it simply as an additional sign of
the action of the various parties, followed by that of the commission, had its origin, she
mere democratic sentiment. It was in recognition of an urgent economic and political demand.
It was taken because during the long years while Finland was fighting a desperate and seemingly hopeless battle for its national existence the women had proved themselves as sincere, as fearless, as able, as capable of self-sacrifice as their fathers and brothers and husbands and sons. They raised most of the funds needed and used for the patriotic agitation; they spread the pamphlets and circulars which had to take the place of a gagged or entirely suppressed press; they bolstered up the faltering courage of their weak-kneed brothers. This they did in constant danger of prison and Siberian exile, and more than one of them paid some such price for daring to prove her devotion to the freedom of her country. During these sorrowful years, while the women were engrossed with their work of saving the country, their eyes were opened to the importance of the suffrage, and they joined hands with the pioneers of the movement. And
as the large majority of women learned through their own experience what a powerful weapon universal suffrage is in the struggle for freedom and country, so the men learned the importance of the women's contribution to the political life. They learned how necessary it is for a small nation, the independence of which is continuously 'threatened, to release and employ all
FINLAND'S NEW suffrage law.
The new law was approved by the Czar on June 20, 1906, and went into effect on October 1. Immediately the leading women of the country began the task of planning how to use their new rights. It was decided at once that the women should join the old parties, each one according to her own conviction and inclination, but that, from the very beginning, they would refuse to submit blindly and unconditionally to a discipline that had for its purpose merely the advancement of a party and not of the whole country. Miss Friberg adds that they felt it incumbent on themselves to strive according to their best ability to restrain the hatred and lust of power which generally prevails within the party lines.
For if the women could not bring some wholly new contribution to the political life,-whether the innermost spirit or the outward forms of this life be concerned, but should only rally auxiliary forces for the strengthening of the existing parties, then neither they nor mankind would benefit by their interposition. What is most wanted in politics is not an increase in the number of voters merely, but the introduction of independent new forces, of new standards, and new ideals.
It is quite natural that the women should turn their attention primarily to questions concerning their own sex in preparing their
program for the electoral struggle. Revision of the marriage laws, increased protection for minors, the abolition of legalized prostitution, and equable rights for natural children were some of the measures principally demanded by their leaders, and for the enactment of which the women elected to the Landdag will fight regardless of party lines. At the same time they were very careful, while the nominations were going on, not to make excessive demands, refraining particularly from advocating the candidacy of any woman merely on the ground that she was a woman. "If a man fails, he alone is held responsible for his failure, but in the case of woman her entire sex will be held jointly responsible for her defeat."
It was therefore expected that only about twenty women would be sent into the new Landdag by the electorate, and that these would number among them only women with national reputation. And as all the parties nominated some women, those elected would not be likely to arrange themselves in a group by themselves. Among those nominated and fairly sure of election were Lucina Hagman, a school principal, who fought conspicuously both for national freedom and for woman suffrage; Helena Westermarck, author; Alli Nissinen, school principal, author of many text books and editor of the Housemother; Dr. Tekla Hultin, member of the Central Bureau of Statistics; Hedvig Sohlberg, principal of a woman's normal school, lecturer, and prominent advocate of prohibition; Dagmar Neovious, a school teacher, who was among the foremost workers for national independence; Lady Alexandra Griepenberg, a well-known suffragist, and Miina Sillanpaà, the president of the Servant Girls' Union. The last named was nominated by the Socialists, but the women of all parties advocated her election on account of her thorough knowledge of conditions among the women of the working class.
The New York Sun, commenting on the extension of the suffrage, says:
What makes its experiment in woman suffrage peculiarly important is the fact that it is likely to be taken as a precedent by Russian reformers, among whom the political equality of the sexes has many advocates. We need not say that if woman suffrage were adopted in Russia the movement in favor of such a concession would. acquire great momentum in central and western Europe.-especially in Italy and France. The Socialists, who favor woman's rights, are numerous in the two countries just named, as well as in Germany, and they possess more political influence in the Italian and French Chambers of Deputies than they do in the Reichstag.