sittings not required, 63; immu- nity of members, 63; not meant to be controlled by public opin- ion, 64; follows English prece- dents, 73; attends the President's audience chamber, 74; suspi- cious of executive designs, 76; original relations to the admin- istration, 81; squabble over site of national capital, 86; connec- tion with administration dislo- cated by party spirit, 88; origin of system of standing commit- tees, 88; President consulted on committee chairmanships, 155; diversities in election of mem- bers, 156; national regulation of elections, 160; extends its juris- diction, 164; establishment of a parliamentary régime, 165; de- termines national policy, 166; administrative relations affected by Jackson's election, 168; end of the parliamentary régime, 173; reduced importance of, 192; a diplomatic body, 221; character- istics of its procedure, 222; sub- ordinate to party organization, 223, 294; development of its committee system, 225; explana- tion of its peculiarities, 228; op- pressed by its own mechanism, 229; unable to legislate carefully, 231; no direct representation of general interests, 232: subservi- ent to special interests, 233; apt to misconceive public opinion, 234; subject to irresponsible control, 235; its character exem- plified by the Record, 237; origi- nal respect for President's initia- tive, 278; congressional policy shaped by executive influence, 279-283; disposition to shift re- sponsibility to the President, 284- 286; final place in our constitu-
tional system, 370; can admit heads of administration to direct participation in legislative pro- ceedings, 383-394; results of the present separation of executive and legislative branches, 394- 396.
Connecticut, 10, 167, 191. Constitution of the United States, starting-point, 40; inside politics of movement, 41-44; formation of, 45-57; modelled on English constitution, 47; an embodiment of Whig doctrine, 51; English reform ideas incorporated, 52; anti-democratic nature, 53, 54; a deposit from the stream of English constitutional ideas, 56; originated a new type of govern- ment, 57; theory of its checks and balances, 60; fallacious ex- pectations of, 67; energized by the gentry, 68; failure of, as a general model of government, 68; effect upon course of politi- cal development, 71; leaves great latitude to state action, 150; scheme of presidential election miscarries, 153; diversities in appointment of presidential elec- tors, 154; attempts at amend- ment, 159; broad construction tendency developed in Congress, 164 nature of the veto power, 177; its development, 183; ex- tends to items, 185; effacement of the constitutional design for the election of President, 208; the genesis of the nullification doctrine, 211; of the secession movement, 212; lack of proper organs for democratic func- tions, 215; its character as a working machine of government, 217; function of the convention system, 220; constitutional func-
Delaware, methods of voting in, Electoral college, devised as a dis-
Democracy, fear of, 45, 46; fav- ored by territorial conditions, 69; Fisher Ames on, 125; ten- dencies towards, 134; political upheaval of, 158; effects upon mode of presidential election, 159; its constitutional expression in America and England com- pared, 213; mode of its consti- tutional development, 219; con- verts the presidency into an elective kingship, 293; multiplies elective offices, 299; its ideal a perfect medium for social activi- ties, 375; the democratic type of government, 376; its grand pos- sibilities, 377, 378, 380; human progress a democratic principle, 378. Democratic party founded by Jack- son, 172; obtained possession of the Jeffersonian tradition, 173; support of the veto power a party principle, 181.
cretionary body, 50; controlled by the Congressional Caucus, 155; diversity in modes of state ap- pointment, 154; district system of election abandoned, 159; be- comes subservient to popular control, 161; becomes a demo- cratic agency, 214; divested of its original discretion, 219. Ellsworth, Oliver, denounces Jef- ferson in charging a jury, 113; on President's revisionary power over legislation, 177. England, political instability, 23; prevalence of corruption, 24; vigor of representative institu- tions, 26; antipathy to repub- lics, 28; attachment to balanced powers of government, 29; atti- tude to United States during Confederation period, 38; pes- simistic sentiment, 66; modern constitutional theory of, 93; de- velopment of its political charac- teristics, 122; politics during the
Gordon, William, on origin of
eighteenth century, 335-349; re- | Giddings, Joshua, 240. generated by party government, Goldsmith, Oliver, celebrates royal 349; reform measures, 350-352; inherent weakness of parliament- ary government, 371; conditions for satisfactory working of the constitutional system, 372-375. English Constitutional Society, 8.
Federalist party, supports the adop- tion of constitution, 101; sup- ports the administration, 105; behavior of judges, 112; enacts the alien and sedition laws, 113; wrecked by them, 117; causes of its weakness, 117; its rise in New York, 143; election trick- ery, 151.
Fillmore, Millard, 280. Fox, Henry, 138, 337. France, opposed large concessions
to America, 16; indifferent to American welfare, 37; constitu- tion of 1791, 68; sustains Frank- lin, 97; mentioned, 373. Franco-mania, its prevalence in
Grant, U. S., holds that appropri- ations are not mandatory, 185; interested in Mexican recipro- city treaty, n. 245; condemns Tenure of Office Act, 267. Griffin, Cyrus, president of Con- gress, 4; on America's contempt- ible situation, 38. Guizot on federal government, 57. Gustavus III. of Sweden, 22.
Hamilton, Alexander, on the Con- federation, 37; how to govern men, 47; favors strong executive, 54; on administration, 59; de- spondent of public affairs, n. 66; his scheme of presidential eti- quette, 72; Maclay's opinion of, 76; attitude to Adams' adminis- tration, n. 80; his maxim of practical politics, 81; assumes functions of a crown minister, 81; organizes Treasury depart- ment, n. 81; adheres to English precedents, 82; premier of the ministry, n, 82; his financial measures, 83; his self-sacrificing public spirit, 85; bargains with Jefferson to carry the Assump- tion bill, 87; one of the authors of The Federalist, 110; regards alien and sedition laws as im- politic, 114; political methods in New York, 143; plans the Chris- tian Constitutional Society, 145; political sharp practice proposed to Jay, 151; on the presidential veto, 176; compares it with the royal negative, 178; on supreme importance of presidential elec- tion, 196; senators to have no
choice as to appointments, 260; President the centre of adminis- tration, 277; on evasion of re- sponsibility, 327.
Hare, legal opinion of President's
Harrington, James, author of "Oceana," 169.
Harrison, Gov. Benj., on popular
ignorance of causes of Revolu- tion, II.
Harrison, William Henry, theory of presidential responsibility, 189.
Hastings, Daniel H., his vetoes, 184.
Hawley, Senator, n. 240.
Hayes, Rutherford B., mentioned,
289; on President's power, 291. Henry, Patrick, opposition of, to constitution, n. 63; condemns Virginia and Kentucky resolu- tions, 102.
Hepburn, of Iowa, n. 242. Hill, David B., his vetoes, 184. Hoar, Senator, on the courtesy of the Senate, n. 268; on changed conditions in the Senate, n. 269; on the Senate as an instrument of minority rule, 360. Holy Roman Empire, 19. House of Representatives, see
Hume, on turbulence of English politics, 24; on superiority of French society, 25.
159; causes of his triumph, 168; reforms public office, 170; shapes party issues, 171; founder of the Democratic party, 172; asserts presidential authority, 173; vigor- ous use of veto power, 180; sus- tained by the people, 181; his administration a constitutional landmark, 212; evades Senate's power of rejecting nominations,
Jay, John, one of the authors of The Federalist, 110; declines chief-justiceship, 119; rejects Hamilton's sharp practice, 152. Jefferson, Thomas, on balanced powers of government, 34; Ma- clay's opinion of, 76; attitude to Washington's administration, n. 79; bargains for the Potomac site, 87; on legal tender acts, 98; a national politician, 101; op- posed to growth of city popula- tion, 104; hostility to Hamilton's policy, 105; friendly towards John Adams, 117; style of his administration, 130; its authori- tative character, 131; letter to William Wirt, 133; letter on re- movals from office, 139; favored rotation in office, 168; approved an exercise of President's veto power, 179; did not himself use the veto power, 179; his manual of parliamentary law, 224, 252; his Secretary of the Navy never confirmed, 290. Johnson, Andrew, 288.
Internal improvements, beginnings Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 338, 342.
Jackson, Andrew, natural leader
of the democratic movement, 157; his presidential candidacy
Junius, 15, 138, 354.
King, Rufus, on President's respon- sibility, 277.
Kentucky resolutions, framed by Jefferson, 116.
In 1824, 158; elected President, | Knox, General, Maclay's opinion
Macaulay, Mrs. Catherine, 354. Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 129, 214, 335, 338, 339, 341, 344, 352. Maclay, William, describes Wash- ington's manner, 74; criticises the federal leaders, 76; and Washington too, 77; describes attempt to use Senate as a privy council, 77; describes visit of Jefferson to Senate chamber, n. 81; puffs John Adams for Vice- President, 86; on Washington's attention to Representatives, 135: on appeals to the aid of the Senate, 259; on senatorial de- portment, 265.
Madison, James, inside politics of national movement, 42; democ- racy prone to dishonesty, 45; favored national negative on state legislation, 49; on the Senate, 53; need of legislative restraint, 54; public safety the supreme law, 55; on principles of government, 60; definition of a republic, 62; declines to confer with the Senate, 78; moves to reduce General St. Clair's salary,
86; defends grant of power to Secretary of the Treasury, 87; a national politician, IOI; Re- publican leader, 102; attacks foreign policy of Washington's administration, 107; one of the authors of The Federalist, IIO; carried executive authority to extreme lengths, 132; excuses party change of policy, 163; de- fends property qualifications of suffrage, 168; use of the veto power, 179; on control of legisla- tive assemblies, 237; on powers of House of Representatives, 247; on the authority of the Senate, 257; subjected to dicta- tion by the Senate, 260; on se- curity against senatorial ascen- dency, 358.
Marshall, John, 120, 155, 168. Martin, Luther, 102. Maryland, 7, 40, 159, 160, 167. Mason, George, on popular inca- pacity, 45; on legislative delin- quency, 47; opposed to the con- stitution, n. 79. Massachusetts, 116, 152, 167, 191. McKean, Governor, 127. McKinley, William, 241. MacPherson, Senator, holds back the tariff bill, n. 272. Mercer, John Francis, 46. Michigan temporarily adopts dis- trict system of choosing presiden- tial electors, 160. Milton, John, on English political instability, 23; on a free com- monwealth, 27; on origin of Par- liament, 122. Mississippi, 116, 160.
Missouri, 160, 166, 167, 190, 263. Monroe, James, President's patron- age used against De Witt Clinton, 149; devises constitutional loop-
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