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sittings not required, 63; immu-
nity of members, 63; not meant
to be controlled by public opin-
ion, 64; follows English prece-
dents, 73; attends the President's
audience chamber, 74; suspi-
cious of executive designs, 76;
original relations to the admin-
istration, 81; squabble over site
of national capital, 86; connec-
tion with administration dislo-
cated by party spirit, 88; origin
of system of standing commit-
tees, 88; President consulted on
committee chairmanships, 155;
diversities in election of mem-
bers, 156; national regulation of
elections, 160; extends its juris-
diction, 164; establishment of a
parliamentary régime, 165; de-
termines national policy, 166;
administrative relations affected
by Jackson's election, 168; end
of the parliamentary régime, 173;
reduced importance of, 192; a
diplomatic body, 221; character-
istics of its procedure, 222; sub-
ordinate to party organization,
223, 294; development of its
committee system, 225; explana-
tion of its peculiarities, 228; op-
pressed by its own mechanism,
229; unable to legislate carefully,
231; no direct representation of
general interests, 232: subservi-
ent to special interests, 233; apt
to misconceive public opinion,
234; subject to irresponsible
control, 235; its character exem-
plified by the Record, 237; origi-
nal respect for President's initia-
tive, 278; congressional policy
shaped by executive influence,
279-283; disposition to shift re-
sponsibility to the President, 284-
286; final place in our constitu-

tional system, 370; can admit
heads of administration to direct
participation in legislative pro-
ceedings, 383-394; results of the
present separation of executive
and legislative branches, 394-
396.

Connecticut, 10, 167, 191.
Constitution of the United States,
starting-point, 40; inside politics
of movement, 41-44; formation
of, 45-57; modelled on English
constitution, 47; an embodiment
of Whig doctrine, 51; English
reform ideas incorporated, 52;
anti-democratic nature, 53, 54;
a deposit from the stream of
English constitutional ideas, 56;
originated a new type of govern-
ment, 57; theory of its checks
and balances, 60; fallacious ex-
pectations of, 67; energized by
the gentry, 68; failure of, as a
general model of government,
68; effect upon course of politi-
cal development, 71; leaves great
latitude to state action, 150;
scheme of presidential election
miscarries, 153; diversities in
appointment of presidential elec-
tors, 154; attempts at amend-
ment, 159; broad construction
tendency developed in Congress,
164 nature of the veto power,
177; its development, 183; ex-
tends to items, 185; effacement
of the constitutional design for
the election of President, 208;
the genesis of the nullification
doctrine, 211; of the secession
movement, 212; lack of proper
organs for democratic func-
tions, 215; its character as a
working machine of government,
217; function of the convention
system, 220; constitutional func-

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Delaware, methods of voting in, Electoral college, devised as a dis-

7, 116, 159.

Democracy, fear of, 45, 46; fav-
ored by territorial conditions,
69; Fisher Ames on, 125; ten-
dencies towards, 134; political
upheaval of, 158; effects upon
mode of presidential election,
159; its constitutional expression
in America and England com-
pared, 213; mode of its consti-
tutional development, 219; con-
verts the presidency into an
elective kingship, 293; multiplies
elective offices, 299; its ideal a
perfect medium for social activi-
ties, 375; the democratic type of
government, 376; its grand pos-
sibilities, 377, 378, 380; human
progress a democratic principle,
378.
Democratic party founded by Jack-
son, 172; obtained possession of
the Jeffersonian tradition, 173;
support of the veto power a
party principle, 181.

cretionary body, 50; controlled
by the Congressional Caucus, 155;
diversity in modes of state ap-
pointment, 154; district system
of election abandoned, 159; be-
comes subservient to popular
control, 161; becomes a demo-
cratic agency, 214; divested of
its original discretion, 219.
Ellsworth, Oliver, denounces Jef-
ferson in charging a jury, 113;
on President's revisionary power
over legislation, 177.
England, political instability, 23;
prevalence of corruption, 24;
vigor of representative institu-
tions, 26; antipathy to repub-
lics, 28; attachment to balanced
powers of government, 29; atti-
tude to United States during
Confederation period, 38; pes-
simistic sentiment, 66; modern
constitutional theory of, 93; de-
velopment of its political charac-
teristics, 122; politics during the

prerogative, 25.

Gordon, William, on origin of

eighteenth century, 335-349; re- | Giddings, Joshua, 240.
generated by party government, Goldsmith, Oliver, celebrates royal
349; reform measures, 350-352;
inherent weakness of parliament-
ary government, 371; conditions
for satisfactory working of the
constitutional system, 372-375.
English Constitutional Society, 8.

Federalist party, supports the adop-
tion of constitution, 101; sup-
ports the administration, 105;
behavior of judges, 112; enacts
the alien and sedition laws, 113;
wrecked by them, 117; causes
of its weakness, 117; its rise in
New York, 143; election trick-
ery, 151.

Fillmore, Millard, 280.
Fox, Henry, 138, 337.
France, opposed large concessions

to America, 16; indifferent to
American welfare, 37; constitu-
tion of 1791, 68; sustains Frank-
lin, 97; mentioned, 373.
Franco-mania, its prevalence in

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caucus, 4.

Grant, U. S., holds that appropri-
ations are not mandatory, 185;
interested in Mexican recipro-
city treaty, n. 245; condemns
Tenure of Office Act, 267.
Griffin, Cyrus, president of Con-
gress, 4; on America's contempt-
ible situation, 38.
Guizot on federal government, 57.
Gustavus III. of Sweden, 22.

Hamilton, Alexander, on the Con-
federation, 37; how to govern
men, 47; favors strong executive,
54; on administration, 59; de-
spondent of public affairs, n. 66;
his scheme of presidential eti-
quette, 72; Maclay's opinion of,
76; attitude to Adams' adminis-
tration, n. 80; his maxim of
practical politics, 81; assumes
functions of a crown minister,
81; organizes Treasury depart-
ment, n. 81; adheres to English
precedents, 82; premier of the
ministry, n, 82; his financial
measures, 83; his self-sacrificing
public spirit, 85; bargains with
Jefferson to carry the Assump-
tion bill, 87; one of the authors
of The Federalist, 110; regards
alien and sedition laws as im-
politic, 114; political methods in
New York, 143; plans the Chris-
tian Constitutional Society, 145;
political sharp practice proposed
to Jay, 151; on the presidential
veto, 176; compares it with the
royal negative, 178; on supreme
importance of presidential elec-
tion, 196; senators to have no

choice as to appointments, 260;
President the centre of adminis-
tration, 277; on evasion of re-
sponsibility, 327.

Hare, legal opinion of President's

authority, 291.

Harrington, James, author of
"Oceana," 169.

Harrison, Gov. Benj., on popular

ignorance of causes of Revolu-
tion, II.

Harrison, William Henry, theory
of presidential responsibility,
189.

Hastings, Daniel H., his vetoes,
184.

Hawley, Senator, n. 240.

Hayes, Rutherford B., mentioned,

289; on President's power, 291.
Henry, Patrick, opposition of, to
constitution, n. 63; condemns
Virginia and Kentucky resolu-
tions, 102.

Hepburn, of Iowa, n. 242.
Hill, David B., his vetoes, 184.
Hoar, Senator, on the courtesy of
the Senate, n. 268; on changed
conditions in the Senate, n. 269;
on the Senate as an instrument
of minority rule, 360.
Holy Roman Empire, 19.
House of Representatives, see

Representatives.

Hume, on turbulence of English
politics, 24; on superiority of
French society, 25.

Ingersoll, Jared, 127.

159; causes of his triumph, 168;
reforms public office, 170; shapes
party issues, 171; founder of the
Democratic party, 172; asserts
presidential authority, 173; vigor-
ous use of veto power, 180; sus-
tained by the people, 181; his
administration a constitutional
landmark, 212; evades Senate's
power of rejecting nominations,

290.

Jay, John, one of the authors of
The Federalist, 110; declines
chief-justiceship, 119; rejects
Hamilton's sharp practice, 152.
Jefferson, Thomas, on balanced
powers of government, 34; Ma-
clay's opinion of, 76; attitude to
Washington's administration, n.
79; bargains for the Potomac
site, 87; on legal tender acts, 98;
a national politician, 101; op-
posed to growth of city popula-
tion, 104; hostility to Hamilton's
policy, 105; friendly towards
John Adams, 117; style of his
administration, 130; its authori-
tative character, 131; letter to
William Wirt, 133; letter on re-
movals from office, 139; favored
rotation in office, 168; approved
an exercise of President's veto
power, 179; did not himself use
the veto power, 179; his manual
of parliamentary law, 224, 252;
his Secretary of the Navy never
confirmed, 290.
Johnson, Andrew, 288.

Internal improvements, beginnings Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 338, 342.

of, 164.

Italian republics, 22.

Jackson, Andrew, natural leader

of the democratic movement,
157; his presidential candidacy

Junius, 15, 138, 354.

King, Rufus, on President's respon-
sibility, 277.

Kentucky resolutions, framed by
Jefferson, 116.

In 1824, 158; elected President, | Knox, General, Maclay's opinion

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Macaulay, Mrs. Catherine, 354.
Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 129,
214, 335, 338, 339, 341, 344,
352.
Maclay, William, describes Wash-
ington's manner, 74; criticises
the federal leaders, 76; and
Washington too, 77; describes
attempt to use Senate as a privy
council, 77; describes visit of
Jefferson to Senate chamber, n.
81; puffs John Adams for Vice-
President, 86; on Washington's
attention to Representatives, 135:
on appeals to the aid of the
Senate, 259; on senatorial de-
portment, 265.

Madison, James, inside politics of
national movement, 42; democ-
racy prone to dishonesty, 45;
favored national negative on
state legislation, 49; on the
Senate, 53; need of legislative
restraint, 54; public safety the
supreme law, 55; on principles
of government, 60; definition of
a republic, 62; declines to confer
with the Senate, 78; moves to
reduce General St. Clair's salary,

86; defends grant of power to
Secretary of the Treasury, 87; a
national politician, IOI; Re-
publican leader, 102; attacks
foreign policy of Washington's
administration, 107; one of the
authors of The Federalist, IIO;
carried executive authority to
extreme lengths, 132; excuses
party change of policy, 163; de-
fends property qualifications of
suffrage, 168; use of the veto
power, 179; on control of legisla-
tive assemblies, 237; on powers
of House of Representatives,
247; on the authority of the
Senate, 257; subjected to dicta-
tion by the Senate, 260; on se-
curity against senatorial ascen-
dency, 358.

Maine, 7.

Marshall, John, 120, 155, 168.
Martin, Luther, 102.
Maryland, 7, 40, 159, 160, 167.
Mason, George, on popular inca-
pacity, 45; on legislative delin-
quency, 47; opposed to the con-
stitution, n. 79.
Massachusetts, 116, 152, 167, 191.
McKean, Governor, 127.
McKinley, William, 241.
MacPherson, Senator, holds back
the tariff bill, n. 272.
Mercer, John Francis, 46.
Michigan temporarily adopts dis-
trict system of choosing presiden-
tial electors, 160.
Milton, John, on English political
instability, 23; on a free com-
monwealth, 27; on origin of Par-
liament, 122.
Mississippi, 116, 160.

Missouri, 160, 166, 167, 190, 263.
Monroe, James, President's patron-
age used against De Witt Clinton,
149; devises constitutional loop-

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