ence between party leaders, in the states where they still had some strength, was sufficient for their needs. In 1812, when the Clinton revolt in New York against the Virginia dynasty inspired the Federalists with some hope, they held a convention in New York, at which eleven states were represented, and endorsed the Clinton presidential ticket, already nominated by the legislative caucus at Albany. This convention, although more like a ratification mass-meeting than a nominating convention in the modern sense, led to an attempt to establish a regular convention system in New York. The Clinton bolt, although it controlled the Republican Caucus at Albany, did not carry with it the entire party organization in New York. Tammany Hall, with the support of Madison's administration, began a vigorous war on De Witt Clinton, and in 1813 formally proposed that a state convention should be called for the purpose of nominating the governor. The movement failed, but the tendency of political opposition to resort to the convention system became strongly marked. This was particularly the case with new political movements, whose power had yet to be developed in the composition of the legislature. Their interests naturally antagonized the legislative caucus, in which established political interests were intrenched. Hence the Anti-Masonic party, which sprang up in 1826, was driven to the expedient of holding conventions of its own.

Its

propaganda was actively carried on during the period in which the new conception of the presidential office was formed, and obedient to that impulse a national convention of the party was held in Philadelphia in 1831. This may be regarded as the first regularly constituted national party convention, congressional representation being taken as the rule of party representation.

The popular dislike of party machinery was, however, deeply rooted. The Jackson movement had derived a great deal of strength from this sentiment, and in overthrowing the Congressional Caucus there was no intention to substitute for it the still more elaborate and cumbrous convention system. The desire was to procure a constitutional amendment, enabling the people to vote directly for President. In the ordinary course of politics, however, the constitution is unamendable. A two-thirds majority of both Houses of Congress, and the sanction of three-fourths of the states, can be commanded only at rare and tremendous junctures. As the close of Jackson's first term approached, the newly formed Democratic party found itself exposed to dangerous hazards of dissension from the lack of any method of securing party agreement as to the ticket to be supported by the presidential electors who might be chosen in the party interest. While it was settled that Jackson should be renominated, the vice-presidency was an open question, to decide which some mode

There was some

of party action was necessary. inclination to restore the Congressional Caucus. This was the preference of Van Buren and the Albany agency. Of course candidates apprehensive of the influences controlling Congress were opposed to this, and moreover public sentiment had been too deeply incensed against the Caucus to be won over. Meanwhile, the convention system had been adopted by the opposition. After the Anti-Masonic party had held its national convention, the National Republicans held theirs. William Wirt was the presidential candidate of the Anti-Masons. Henry Clay was the candidate of the National Republicans. The hope of the opposition to Jackson was that the electoral vote would be split up so as to throw the election into the House of Representatives, where the states would vote as equals. The necessity of concentrating the Democratic vote became manifest, and the convention system appeared to be the only practicable method. The New Hampshire legislature led the way by issuing a call for a national convention, and Jackson gave his approval to the movement. Every state responded except Missouri. The system of national conventions was thus adopted by all parties.

The position of the national convention, as the supreme authority in party organization, was not established without opposition. The Pennsylvania Democracy bolted the nomination of Van Buren

for Vice-President in 1832, and the electoral votes of the state were cast for William Wilkins for that office. In 1832 and 1836 South Carolina cast her electoral vote for candidates of her own, who received no votes from any other state. In 1836 the Democratic party was the only party which held a national convention. The plan of the opposition was to take the greatest possible advantage of local elements of hostility to the national administration by running a number of tickets, and thus endeavor to throw the election into the House of Representatives. The Democratic party organization in Virginia bolted the national convention nomination for Vice-President, and the electoral votes of the state were cast for an independent candidate. Van Buren, the convention candidate for President, was elected, but no one had a majority of votes for Vice-President. The election devolved on the Senate, which chose the convention nominee - Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky. In 1840 the Democratic-Republican national convention did not venture to nominate a candidate for Vice-President, but adopted a resolution, leaving "the decision to their Republican fellow-citizens in the several states, trusting that before the election shall take place their opinions shall become so concentrated as to secure the choice of a Vice-President by the electoral colleges." The Democratic party did not obtain many electoral votes in that election. While all

were given to Van Buren for President, they were divided among three candidates for Vice-President.

Declarations of party principles naturally accompanied the nomination of party candidates, and so the party platform had its origin. As in the case of the convention system the germ of the platform may be traced a long way back. In 1800 the Congressional Caucus of the Republican party adopted resolutions, setting forth the principles represented by Jefferson's candidacy. In 1812 the New York legislative caucus, which nominated Clinton to the presidency, set forth the grounds of opposition to Madison in a series of resolutions. During the Jackson movement the adoption of resolutions at meetings and conventions became a regular practice. When national party conventions regularly assumed the function of selecting candidates, they could not well avoid making statements of party principles. Public opinion demanded such explanations, and the politicians had to comply. In 1840, the first formal national platform of the Democratic party was adopted. The Whigs, a party of political odds and ends, did not formally present a platform either in 1840 or in 1848. The prepossessions in favor of parliamentary control which clung to the Whig party made the laying down of platforms in connection with presidential nominations a disagreeable duty. Its real feeling on the subject was probably that which it declared when, reduced to a mere rump