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HE election returns given in a tabulated form on the previous page are calculated with care up to date. Compared with the census returns of 1890, and coupled with some other well-known facts as to persons, they bring out some interesting facts. The popular majority for Mr. McKinley will be between a million and a million and a half. One State, Wyoming, is still doubtful. If that should be given for Bryan, the majority for McKinley in the Electoral College will still be 104. In the House of Representatives, if the Republicans and the National Democrats act together on financial questions, as they probably will unless the question of international bimetallism comes up, the majority for "sound money" will be about 100; the Republican majority over all other parties will be 63. The Senate, it appears at this writing, will be nearly evenly divided financially, assuming that Mr. Teller acts with the Democracy and Mr. Gorman does not go back to his former declared position on the financial question. The Populist party is no longer to be regarded as merely "scattering." If Wyoming should elect Mr. Bryan Senator, he and Mr. Teller may be expected to become leaders in this new party, which it is not at all impossible will become the real power in the Democratic party, which in that case would be the radical party of the future. A comparison of the votes of Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Maryland with the Presidential vote of 1892 shows what a political revolution was wrought in the East by the changed issues, and the overwhelming McKinley majorities in Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Iowa show how little it is true that the farmer vote was solid for free sllver. The "ignorant foreign vote is such a common cause of terror that it is worth while to note the fact that if it had not been for the foreign vote the election would have been carried for free silver. It was the foreign vote that "saved the country." Excluding the mining States of the Far West, the average proportion of persons of foreign birth or parentage in the whole country is 31 per

cent. Every State which voted for Mr. McKinley, except only

Maine, Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Indiana, and Kentucky, has more than this average of foreign origin. Every State which voted against him, except Nebraska and the mining States, has less. The North Atlantic States, which gave the greatest McKinley majorities, have a foreign element of 47 per cent. The five Western States which gave the next largest majorities have a foreign element of over 56 per cent. All the States which gave Bryan majorities (except the mining States) have a foreign. element of less than 9 per cent. The States which gave him the largest majorities have less than 3 per cent. A change of 45,000 in the total vote, while leaving Mr. McKinley a popular majority of nearly or quite a million, might have sufficed to have given Mr. Bryan the electoral votes of the States of California, Oregon, North and South Dakota, Indiana, Kentucky, and West Virginia, and to have elected him President of the United States.

Query: Is that system right which makes it possible to give one man a majority of a million of votes and yet elect his opponent President?

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with the same mighty power affirmed their devotion to law and order, and their undeviating respect for justice and the country. . . . They have, indeed, again consecrated themselves to country and baptized the cherished ordinances of free government with a new and holy patriotism." The difficulty with this sort of interpretation of the campaign is its implication that the opponents of Mr. McKinley favored repudiation and dishonor and were opposed to law and order. As we have heretofore said, the outlook for the country would be dark indeed if this were true; if out of 14,000,000 voters there were only a little over a million majority in favor of honor and order. But if Mr. McKinley implies wholesale charges against his opponents, Mr. Bryan makes such charges against his political opponents in explicit terms:

"The friends of bimetallism have not been vanquished; they have simply been overcome. They believe that the gold standard is a con

spiracy of the money-changers against the welfare of the human race, against it. . . . The trusts and corporations have tried to excite a fear

and, until convinced of their error, they will continue the warfare

of lawlessness, while they have been defying the law, and American financiers have boasted that they were the custodians of National honor, while they were secretly bartering away the Nation's financial independence. But, in spite of the efforts of the Administration and its supporters, in spite of the threats of money-loaners at home and abroad, in spite of the coercion practiced by corporations and employers, in spite of trusts and syndicates, in spite of an enormous Republican campaign fund, and in spite of the influence of a hostile daily press, bimetallism has almost triumphed in its first great fight."

The charge that trusts and corporations are playing the part of hypocrites, that financiers are selling the Nation's financial independence for their own personal profit, and that corporations and employers have practiced coercion for the purpose of determining the election, are very serious charges. Mr. Bryan should be called on for specifications-names, dates, individuals. It is our well-considered judgment that the charges on both sides are nonsense; that, while there are a few men in the United States who would be glad to repudiate both personal and National

obligations if they could make any money out of repudia

tion, and some controlling spirits in a very few corporations who are equally ready to defy the law themselves and to cry "anarchist" in order to arouse prejudice against those who would compel them to obey the law, there is no basis in fact for either the charges implied by Mr. McKinley or publicly preferred by Mr. Bryan. The gold standard is not a conspiracy; the charge that it is so is not to be taken seriously. From before the days of Ricardo to the present time the ablest thinkers have been divided into two schools-bimetallists and monometallists; and for the first to call the second conspirators and the second to name-calling would be between free-traders and protectioncall the first repudiationists is as flat an absurdity as similar ists, or, for that matter, between Copernicans and Ptolemaists. As to the charge of coercion, we have yet to learn of a single well-authenticated case of coercion. The charge involves employer and employed in a common condemnation, since it assumes that the first are corruptionists and the second are cowards. Compared with Mr. Altgeld's hysterical proclamation, however, the papers of Mr. McKinley and Mr. Bryan are exemplary specimens of judicial calmness and Christian courtesy. Mr. Altgeld's address to the Democrats of Illinois is either a deliberate

appeal to the worst passions of his constituency or it is the fevered utterance of a disappointed politician who has. lost his temper as well as his office. It is best dismissed in silence.

Mr. Br an is reported to have declined a position with a salary of $25,000 a year, in order to continue the work of

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agitation for free silver coinage. This report is given with definiteness of detail, and with the name of the Eastern firm which has made the offer; and the reported intention to continue the free silver agitation is confirmed by Mr. Bryan's counsel to others:

"In the face of an enemy rejoicing in its victory, let the roll be called for the engagement, and urge all friends of bimetallism to renew their allegiance to the cause. If we are right, as I believe we are, we shall yet triumph. Until convinced of his error, let each advocate of bimetallism continue the work. Let all silver clubs retain their organization, hold regular meetings, and circulate literature. Our opponents have succeeded in this campaign and must now put their theories to the test. Instead of talking mysteriously about sound money' and 'an honest dollar,' they must now elaborate and defend a financial system. Every step taken by them should be publicly considered by the silver clubs."

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We affirm the right of the advocates of free silver to follow Mr. Bryan's counsel, but we hope they will not do so, but will give the country a rest. We doubt the wisdom of the counsel even from Mr. Bryan's point of view, for the election indicates that the longer the discussion is continued the clearer it will be to the American public that the free coinage of silver, at a ratio of sixteen to one, by the United States acting alone, would be commercially disastrous. The evident signs of revival of business following immediately upon the election of Mr. McKinley confirm this opinion-at least indicate that it is shared. by most business men. $16,000,000 of New York City bonds which could not find a purchaser at par before election have been bid for since the election five times over, at about five per cent. above par; something like several hundred separate industrial works are reported to have started up or enlarged their plant; and it is unquestionably true that many thousands of men before out of employment are already employed. For further details see the Business World, on page 886.

Two matters of considerable local importance in the recent election have been very generally overlooked in the

issues of greater National importance. In California the amendment to the Constitution imposing the suffrage on women was lost. We have no details as to the number of votes cast; but it is a significant fact that a principal influence exerted against it came from the women themselves. This fact, illustrated as it has been alike in New York, in Massachusetts, and in California, gives to the woman. suffrage movement a very peculiar character. It may be a movement for woman's rights, but it is certainly a movement against woman's inclinations. So far as we know, it is the only time in political history when it has been proposed to impose the duty of the suffrage on a people reluctant to assume it. In New York State the proposed amendment to the Constitution allowing the leasing of public lands in the Adirondacks was lost. This, let us hope, is the death beyond hope of resurrection to a political job. The people of this State have now twice decided by a Constitutional amendment that they are rich enough to own a forest preserve and keep it free from the spoiler's ax. The decision ought to be accepted as final. It is of more than merely local importance, because it sets an example to other States worth following.

In the election last week nearly every State, and every doubtful State, had the secret ballot. The result was that charges of bribery and intimidation, which otherwise would almost have destroyed popular respect for the verdict, are scarcely heard in any quarter. The moral gain both in the prevention of corruption and the establishment of popular faith in the reality of popular self-government is inestimable. It is difficult to recall any political reform of equal importance that has been established in so few years as the Australian ballot system. In the States where the reform law has been in force for several years changes in minor details are made from time to time, with the result of securing a more and more satisfactory ballot. In this State the substitution of a blanket ballot containing the names of all the candidates for from eight to fifteen separate

ballots printed for different parties has proved an immense saving of labor to the voter and a considerable saving of expense to the State. As compared with the old system, under which each party was compelled to have a ticketdistributer at each polling-place, the saving of expense has been enormous. This saving of expense has also been a lessening of corruption, for the securing of funds to man the polling-places and the hiring of the men were both sources of evil. Great as has been the gain, however, it seems that the public is not yet content. In the election last week at least two good-sized cities made use of votingmachines. In Worcester, Mass., the machine tried was that which bears the unfortunate name McTammany. Its average speed was two or three votes to a minute, and the machine worked well throughout the day. In counting the returns, however, it was slow. The polls were closed at four o'clock, and the first results were not announced until eight. This, however, was an hour better than the record made by the clerks at the preceding Presidential election. In Rochester, N. Y., the Meyers machine was used. In one precinct it was found that after the machine had been worked by forty-six voters only six ballots had been recorded. In counting returns, however, the Meyers machine was a great success. Within twenty minutes after the closing of the polls the results for Presidential and Gubernatorial candidates were known. When these machines shall have been so improved that the voter can see his vote as it is cast, there is no doubt that they will be employed throughout the Union.

One of the most interesting features of the election campaign just closed is the part which women have taken in it; it shows a capacity for campaign work of peculiar character and value. In New York and in Brooklyn small groups of women, never more than four, have visited the homes in the tenement-house districts, to talk with the wives and daughters of workingmen. They have explained to these women the issues of the campaign as they saw them, distributing literature on their side of the subject. This work has been done from the conviction that if the women in the homes were once aroused, the interest of the voters in these homes would also be aroused, their attention called to the real issues of the campaign, and they would be forced to think for themselves, read for themselves, and vote independently of the political boss, the last enemy of democracy. There is not a shadow of doubt that the concerted effort of these women of intelligence has done an immense amount of good. It has revealed to them the poor man's home, and the limits which our civilization

significance. Our Ambassador, Mr: Bayard, in responding to the toast of Foreign Representatives, had referred to our Presidential election in a single significant phrase, recognizing a vital and fundamental fact which it has appeared tous the advocates of free coinage forgot, "the continuity of national obligations." It is this continuity of national life which prohibits a party in one election from disregarding the action of the nation as represented even by party action in previous elections. In response to this Lord Salisbury claimed permission "to congratulate him upon. the splendid pronouncement the great people he represents, have made in behalf of the principles which lie at the base of all human society." It is not impossible that the mere fact that the election is approved by the representative of the Tory party in England may in certain quarters constitute an additional reason for disapproval in America, but we trust that most Americans will rejoice in every indication of closer and more friendly relations between these two Anglo-Saxon peoples. We do not know that the election has had any influence in promoting the settlement of the Venezuelan question, but the official declaration made by Lord Salisbury at this banquet that the Venezuelan question is substantially settled is abundant cause for rejoicing on both sides the ocean. Lord Salisbury says:

"Our difficulty for months has been to define the settled districts, and the solution has, I think, come from the Government of the United States, that we should treat our colonial empire as we treat individuals; that the same lapse of time which protects the latter in civic life from having their title questioned should similarly protect an English colony, but beyond that, when a lapse could not be claimed, there should be an examination of title, and all the equity demanded in regard thereto should be granted."

This statement is highly diplomatic, and therefore somewhat difficult to comprehend; but we judge that it is correctly interpreted by the New York "Sun," which says:

"The British law provides, among other things, that a title to land which has been unassailed for twenty-one years cannot be invalidatedVenezuela, in other words, will be debarred from confiscating property in any territory she may acquire under arbitration."

Of much greater interest in its bearing on the world's history is the statement of Lord Salisbury respecting the Armenian problem. Cautious as he is to the point of ambiguity, his speech is far more hopeful than that which he made a year ago upon the same question. He does indeed vigorously repudiate the suggestion of Mr. John Morley and others that Great Britain abandon its policy in the East and withdraw from the occupation of Egypt. Great Britain will not, he says, relinquish an acre of

places upon that home—a knowledge very necessary to the ground now occupied by the British; and this statement student of political science. It has carried to the poor woman a living representation of that which to her before has been an indefinite civilization. She has known always that there was a world where women lived who kept servants, who never had to worry about rent or food or clothes,

was, as might have been expected, received with cheers. He also declares that England could not intervene alone in Turkey without raising an army by conscription, which is tantamount to a very positive affirmation that it will not so interfere; but the promises of reforms of the Sultan he treats with scarcely more respect than was shown to them

who had plenty to eat at all times, and who never heard chil- by Mr. Gladstone in his Liverpool speech. He repudiates

dren cry from hunger. These women were from that world. They came, not as enemies, nor as critics, nor as charity visitors. Their very presence proved that there was a common cause, a common country, a common danger. A bridge has been built by these political workers over a chasm that will never be bridgeless again. Whether definite political results were effected may never be known, but it is certain that the cause of humanity has been served, and that is the cause that works for righteousness always.

Lord Salisbury's speech at the Mansion House banquet Monday night possesses for American readers a triple

the idea that there is necessarily any permanent antagonism between Great Britain and Russia; and this statement from a Tory source is quite as significant as were the cheers with which it was greeted. He declares that there is no feeling in Russia to prevent concert of action between the two Powers, and he implies, if he does not explicitly declare, that the prospect of action by all the European Powers acting in concert to turn aside Turkey from the abyss toward which she is drifting is better to-day than it has been at any time since the Armenian massacres began. He who remembers that a Prime Minister's speech must always be excessively cautious will

see some ground for hope of a satisfactory solution of the Eastern problem in these very diplomatically worded utterances of Lord Salisbury.

The progressive inheritance tax, established by the Liberal Ministry in England in 1894, has yielded an even larger revenue than Sir William Harcourt estimated. The Revenue Commissioners have just published an analysis of the returns for the last fiscal year. These show a total revenue of nearly $50,000,000, as against less than $30,000,000 from similar sources under the old law. The only disappointing feature of the new act is the relatively small return from real estate. Under the old law framed by the landed aristocracy real estate was practically exempt. When Sir William Harcourt's act of 1894 put an end to this unjust discrimination, the Conservative landlords pleaded for a concession in the form of a grant from the National Treasury to lessen the local taxes resting upon their property. They have obtained a grant of $10,000,000 a year, and this turns out to be more than all the taxes paid by real estate, city and country, under Sir William Harcourt's act. Only one-fifth of the property in the estates admitted to probate last year was realty; four-fifths was personalty. This disproportionate amount of personalty was probably due to the vast aggregate of foreign bonds and stocks held in Great Britain. Despite this one disappointment to the friends of the new act, it is perhaps the most successful progressive tax ever levied. The Commissioner's returns show the amount of property subject to the different rates of duty, which vary from less than one per cent. on estates less than £100 to eight per cent. on estates exceeding £1,000,000. From this table the tax paid by each class is easily reckoned. In a condensed form the results are as follows:

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In other words, the estates of less than £1,000 (or $5,000) contained seven per cent. of the property, yet paid but two per cent. of the tax; while the estates above £50,000 (or $250,000) contained forty per cent. of the property and paid fifty-four per cent. of the taxes. The new measure has the approval of Mr. Balfour and most of the leading Conservatives, as well as that of the entire body of Liberals. Inasmuch as the class of families having less than $5,000 constitute ninety-two per cent. of the people and pay the bulk of the indirect taxes, the conscience of the nation approves of the heavier burdens placed on the large property-owners by the Harcourt act.

The third annual report of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois contains no perfunctory work. Mrs. Florence Kelley, the head of the department, has put into it her heart and conscience, giving the report a vital quality as valuable as it is rare. In one respect the report this year is more encouraging than its predecessors. The percentage of children employed in factories has fallen from 8.5 in 1893 to 4.5 in 1895. This gain is in part due to the fact that the rapidly falling prices of 1893 caused the wholesale discharge of expensive hands, and the substitution of children to do part of their work. In 1895 industry had partially accommodated itself to the new level of prices and wages, and the adult hands laid off were re-employed. In part, however, the smaller percentage of child labor last year was due to the efficient work

of the factory inspectors, who successfully prosecuted several hundred cases in which children were employed contrary to law. One glass company, which was the largest employer of child labor in the State, and which maintained that it could not carry on its business in conformity with the provisions of the law of 1893, is now achieving what it declared impossible. Unfortunately, however, in one trade where child labor is employed under peculiarly hurtful surroundings its employment has increased. This is the tenement-house garment trade. In this trade successful prosecutions have been numerous, but the number and irresponsibility of the employers, together with the difficulty of securing reliable evidence against them, makes the enforcement of the law peculiarly difficult. The Inspectors report that the compulsory education law is shamelessly unenforced. Nearly all the children under sixteen employed in the sweat-shops were illiterate. A majority of them cannot speak English, and among these are some children born in this country. The Inspector criticises keenly the decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois overthrowing the eight-hour law for women and children. This decision, she says, was not based upon any peculiarity of the Constitution of Illinois, but took the broad ground that the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, framed to prevent the oppression of the negro, precluded any State law restricting the hours of labor of adults. If this decision is sustained, she points out, the United States must fall behind European countries in the humanity of its factory legislation. The arguments upon which the Illinois Court based its decision were, she says, "advanced and rejected in the English Parliament in the fifties."

The magnificent harbor and water-front of New York always excite the pride of the citizen who possesses civic pride. To the same citizen, if he possesses any love of humanity, the magnificent water-front is a reproach. Why should the people's property be surrendered wholly to commerce? Why should the people be almost wholly shut off from enjoying the rights that nature has conferred upon her citizens? This question finally crystallized into a demand that certain piers be reserved for the use of the people in the crowded districts. Again and again has the demand been made. The demand finally took the form of a bill introduced in the Legislature, having the support of the best political organizations and private citizens of New York City. This bill became a law in 1892. It conferred certain rights and obligations on the Dock Board. The Board of Aldermen and different civic organizations have petitioned the Dock Board again and again to carry out the intentions of this law. At last public sentiment and pressure have been victorious. Plans have been submitted to the Dock Board that meet its approval, and, under the direction of the Board, which has secured the advice of a skilled architect, a double-decked house, three hundred and twenty feet long and fifty feet wide, will be built at the foot of East Third Street. The building is of wood and steel, and will have lavatories, seats, tables, and conveniences and space for a people's pleasure-garden. The Board has arranged to permit the selling of milk in this building, but will not permit the sale of intoxicating liquors. The contract calls for the building's completion May 1, 1897. May 1, 1897. The Board of Aldermen has asked for similar structures at other points on the East Side of the city, and several on the West Side, but the Dock Board considers the whole scheme as an experiment, and has decided to wait and see whether the people stifling in the near-by tenement-houses, whether mothers with sick babies, will come out and sit on the river-front where they

may get a breath of air! It is to be hoped that this effort to secure breathing-places on the river-front will not follow the same lines of development as in the case of the smallpark movement. In that, children in arms became wageearners before the intentions of their benefactors were accomplished.

The successor of Sir John Millais as President of the British Royal Academy is best known as a historical and genre painter, and by his interior decorations in St. Paul's. Edward John Poynter, R.A., is a man fifty years of age. He has been a profound student of art as well as a successful painter, and has written several treatises of value. He has filled the responsible positions of Director of Art in the South Kensington Museum and Director of the National Gallery. Among his best pictures are "Perseus and Andromeda," which has been widely reproduced and is well known in this country, "Atalanta's Race," "Solomon and the Queen of Sheba," "Nausicaa," and "When the World was Young." The design of his decoration for St. Paul's included an illustration of the Book of Revelation on an imposing scale and ambitious plan. The late Sir Frederick Leighton was associated with him in this work, for which the sum of $250,000 was appropriated. Poynter's selection as President of the Academy was largely due to the executive ability he had shown as Director. As an artist pure and simple he hardly ranks as equal with at least two or three of the men generally spoken of for the position.



Changes in European Diplomacy

The readjustment of international relations in Europe is going on very rapidly, and promises to be as radical as that which has already taken place in the Far East. The rapidity with which events move would fill an old-fashioned diplomatist with surprise and consternation. The perennial Eastern question may not be on the verge of final settlement, but it has already assumed an entirely new form, and all the old diplomatic traditions of dealing with it are likely to be thrown to the winds. In the Far East the advent of Japan as a modern power, with modern appliances for warfare, has broken the sleep of centuries and brought the great European Powers to realize the fact that they can no longer have a free hand in that region of the world. The East is hereafter to have something to say for itself, and at no very distant date may be in a condition to deal almost as an equal with the Western Powers. Meantime Russia has practically reduced China to the position of a province, and is quietly dictating Chinese policy in all foreign relations. English authority and influence have suffered a great decline in the Far East, and as they have gone down Russian authority and influence have risen, until they are now dominant. In Europe also Russia may be said to hold the position of an arbiter. The bitter fight which has been going on for several years between William II. and his ex-Chancellor has culminated in the revelation on the part of Bismarck of the existence of a secret treaty between that country and Russia at a time when Germany was supposed to be fast bound in honorable alliance with Italy and Austria. Several causes have been at work of late to weaken the ties of the Triple Alliance, but nothing has dealt the Alliance such a blow as this gross breach of faith on the part of the foremost party to it. It is not many years since Germany was the foremost Power in Europe, but the nervous and uncertain temper of the Emperor has reacted disastrously on the entire administration of German affairs. The force and consistency of

the former administration is conspicuously lacking. The present Chancellor, Prince von Hohenlohe, is an accomplished and agreeable gentleman, with a long diplomatic career behind him, but every one knows that he is not an independent force; that he has behind him a rash, irritable, and very arbitrary master, whose attitude is determined very much by his feeling at the moment. European diplomatists have long recognized this state of affairs, and the revelation of Bismarck's duplicity has now made all the peoples in Europe aware of it. That disclosure is of a kind that strikes at the foundations of international confidence, and at the moral force of European alliances. It is as gross an example of bad faith as the history of diplomacy discloses. It has almost paralyzed the different courts; for lack of confidence tells quite as much in diplomacy as in business affairs, and when the bond of socalled honorable men cannot be counted upon, the power of co-operation is for the time being lost.

The Triple Alliance has suffered a great shock at a moment when it was ill prepared to resist such a shock. France and Russia have come into what is undoubtedly a thorough and well-defined alliance, which may very likely be offensive as well as defensive. They are acting together to-day as one force, and the French army and fleet are practically at the command of the Russian Czar, and, what is still more important, the French financial resources are also at his command. Austria, on the other hand, finds conflicting interests to the eastward which are steadily loosening her ties with Germany. Italy has made a treaty with Tunis, already reported in these columns, which is practically a treaty with France; and now both countries have learned that their dream of security in the friendship of Germany was a dream in a fool's paradise. What has been called the splendid isolation of England turns out to be safer and certainly nobler than the position of Germany, allied with two Great Powers and in secret alliance at the same time with the country against which she was solemnly committed. England stands alone, and is now reaping the results of some false steps in what the Tories called a strong foreign policy; but England is never so great as in those hours. when she is driven back upon herself, and those people who are counting on a permanent decline of English prestige and authority are leaving out of account some of the greatest elements in the English race and State. England is not yet, and is not likely to become, in any sense, a second-class power. She will pay and is paying for her blunders, but her immense vitality shows no signs of exhaustion. At the moment, however, Russia is in the ascendant in the Far East, and also in Western Europe. Austria and Italy are detached in feeling from Germany. Germany is discredited alike by the character of the Emperor and the revelations of Bismarck's treachery. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that harmony of action among the Great Powers in Turkey has. been so difficult to secure.

Sharing Success

When one realizes what life means in its higher relations and duties, it is pathetic to notice how constantly people apologize to each other for any small trouble which they impose. The young man who goes to ask the man of established position for a letter of introduction or for personal interest in securing an opportunity for work almost invariably expresses regret for the interruption which his request necessitates; as if the world were wholly selfish, and any kind of service done to another were in a way exceptional

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