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at hand, in which defeat was highly probable, if not inevitable. Under his leadership the Radicals were extremely restive, the divisions in the party became more pronounced, and after the election, when Lord Rosebery had gone out of power, Sir William Harcourt fastened all eyes upon himself, and greatly consolidated his influence in the party by his brilliant leadership of the divided Liberal minority. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that Lord Rosebery has found his position untenable. There is talk in some quarters of an attempt, by a vote of confidence, to persuade him to resume the formal headship of the party, but it is very doubtful whether such an effort would be successful. The natural candidates for the party leadership are Sir William Harcourt, Mr. John Morley, and Mr. Asquith.

The enthusiasm with which the Czar has been received during the past week in Paris has been so extraordinary that its significance has not failed to impress Europe. Paris for the week has practically been France. Probably never before in its history have the provinces poured their population into the capital in such vast numbers. The throngs which have packed the streets whenever the Czar has moved have been really representative, not of Paris, but of the French people. In ceremony, decoration, and attention of every sort France has given the Czar such a welcome as no ruler in modern times has received from

any other nation. That welcome does not mean, as some German and English newspaper writers have hastened to explain, an abandonment of the principle of republicanism; it simply indicates the joy of people who have been isolated in Europe at finding themselves once more in close alliance with a great Power and restored to their proper place and weight in European affairs. Outsiders have hardly understood the isolation in which France has been for two decades, and the keenness with which the iron of diplomatic solitude has entered into the soul of France. It is very natural, therefore, that the French should show their characteristic exuberance of expression in welcoming as a friend the most powerful ruler in Europe. That the Czar has been immensely impressed by his welcome is beyond question, and that what appears to have been a friendly understanding has been imperceptibly pushed on into something more definite and important is also beyond question.

A very important report has recently been published bearing upon the financial relations between Great Britain and Ireland. In 1894 Mr. Gladstone appointed a Commission to investigate the relative capacity of Great Britain and Ireland to bear taxation, and the result of these investigations has stirred up no small amount of controversy, and is likely to have a decided influence on the Irish question. Mr. Gladstone's Commission was doubtless appointed in furtherance of his second Home Rule Bill; but its report, coming at a time of Unionist ascendency, cannot of course pass into legislation, though in some respects it may create opinion which the Conservative party must reckon with. The assumption upon which a majority of the Commission agreed at the outset, namely, that for purposes of the inquiry Great Britain and Ireland were to be considered as separate entities, naturally finds no sympathy among Conservatives and Liberal-Unionists; but there is a consensus of opinion that two very important conclusions are established by the report. first, that Ireland is a much poorer country than either Great Britain or the United Kingdom as a whole, and, second, that its taxable capacity is not more than onetwentieth that of Great Britain. It hardly needed the

These are,

investigations of a Commission to gain the first conclusion, but a decided clearing away of confusion and prejudice will result from the second. During 1893-94 Ireland paid into the Imperial Treasury two and three-quarter millions sterling more than she would have done if taxed in proportion to her capacity. The upshot is that both Home Rulers and the Government party find encouragement for their respective principles. Here is ample proof, say the former, that Ireland should manage her own taxation, at least in so far as it would not imperil the fund contributed for Imperial purposes. The Unionist reply is that no separate jurisdiction should be granted, but that the poorer districts of Ireland, and of Great Britain as well, should be assisted by the richer, and that the whole scheme of taxation for the United Kingdom should be amended by provisions calculated to bear upon the rich and poor districts according to their taxpaying capacity. A readjustment like this would, it is contended, be an additional bond of union, and should be carried into effect. At any rate, the Unionists seem determined that their political opponents shall not secure any advantages from the publication of the report, and they may be spurred thereby into a measure of equitable adjustment which otherwise might be delayed for many years. At the same time the friends of Home Rule will not be slow to incorporate the lesson of these revelations with their other demands, and to press upon their Liberal allies, for reasons of party advantage as well as general justice, an increased support of the Irish cause.

The news that the British Guiana Legislature has granted a concession for the construction of a railway through part of the territory in dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela, while it indicates an aggressive spirit on the part of the British colony, does not necessarily endanger the negotiations for a settlement of the boundary question. If, indeed, the attempt should be made actually to build the road, serious complications might follow. It is, however, quite unlikely that the English Foreign Office will permit any such unwise action as would break the present status quo. Nothing definite as to the long-expected agreement between the United States and Great Britain on the Venezuelan question has been made public. Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British Ambassador to the United States, was in conference at London last Saturday with Lord Salisbury and Mr. Chamberlain, and press dispatches say that a settlement of the question may be reached in two or three weeks. President Cleveland's Boundary Commission has resumed its arduous labors, and it is stated that a report may be expected from the Commission before the end of the year. The instructions given to the Commission in effect direct it to state the correct boundaryline between Venezuela and British Guiana. It has lately been suggested, however, with a good deal of force, that it is quite competent for the Commission under these instructions to report that there is not sufficient evidence to prove conclusively the existence of a definite boundary-line; that the various lines on charts, references in documents, explorers' and settlers' declarations, and the claims of either side, are too confused to establish a true boundary; and that no such line has ever been in fact authoritatively established. This would be equivalent to saying that the question was one that could properly be settled only under an arbitration commission authorized by the two parties to the dispute, and that it would be unwise for the United States to assert the validity of the claims of either party until such an arbitration had taken place. If the Commission find that their investigation leads them to this conclusion, it can certainly do noth

ing else than state the conclusion. Their instructions do not compel them to define that which does not exist.

The "Review of Reviews" calls attention to a valuable article in the "National Review" on social reforms in New Zealand. The writer, Agent-General Reeves, makes clear the extent to which his colony has carried progressive taxation. The income tax is levied only on incomes exceeding $1,500 a year. Between that sum and $6,500 the tax is five per cent. On larger incomes it is ten per cent. The land tax, also, is not levied upon persons of small means. Persons owning less than $2,500 worth of bare land are exempt from the tax, which rises as high as one and one-quarter per cent. on holdings worth more than $1,000,000. In the taxation of owners of mortgaged lands, the amount of the mortgage is deducted, and the tax upon it is assessed to the owner of the mortgage. For the further relief of mortgagors from their hardships during recent years, the Government lends money on farms, up to three-fifths of their value, at five per cent. The farmers must pay six, but one per cent. goes to the extinguishment of the debt. The average rate of interest on American farm mortgages is seven and one-half per cent. Mr. Reeves devotes considerable attention to the workings of women's suffrage-a measure which he heartily favors. In support of it he

says:

"The rush of the women on to the electoral rolls; the interest taken by them in the election contests; the peaceable and orderly character of these contests; and the unprecedented Liberal majority returned by the polls, are all matters of New Zealand history. So is the fact that most of the women voters showed no disposition to follow the clergy in assailing the national system of free, secular, and compulsory education. That they clearly pronounced in very many cases for temperance reform is true. That they were by no means unanimous in favor of total prohibition is true also. On the whole, the most marked feature of their first use of the franchise was their tendency to agree with, rather than diverge from, their male entourage." One of the last reforms in New Zealand has been the codification of the law. All of these radical measures are the work of the last five years. Mr. Reeves is certainly justified in claiming for his colony a pre-eminence in the boldness of its social experiments.

The New York " Evening Post reports the results of recent explorations in South Africa by Dr. George F. Becker, of the United States Geological Survey, who has just returned from making an examination of the Transvaal gold-fields for a private American company; we quote: "Within fifteen miles of Johannesburg," said he, "on what is called the main reef series, there is an amount of gold, practically in sight, estimated to be worth $3,500,000,000, or nearly as much as the entire volume of gold coin now in the world. I say 'practically in sight,' because the gold is extraordinarily uniform, as uniform as coal in an ordinary deposit, as shown by shafts which have been sunk to a depth of 1,800 feet, and diamond drillings which have gone much further." A former assistant of Dr. Becker gives a still more extraordinary statement, and if his interest in the gold-fields suggests that his testimony be taken with caution, the fact that he is now engaged in gold-mining there gives reasonable assurance that he possesses peculiar opportunities for knowledge. "This American mining expert says that, to the best of his knowledge and belief, the gold deposit, instead of being thirty miles long-the region now in sight -is practically 1,200 miles long, except that in the rest of the region later deposits, like coal, have come in over the gold. This, however, will not prevent economical mining, but will simply delay getting at it." If these statements prove correct, it is probable that a considerable depreciation in the bullion value of gold will result, which would at

once make the pressure for bimetallism less and the reestablishment of it without involving a commercial revolution more practicable. Indeed, while it is highly improbable that gold and silver would again come together except as the result of a general remonetization of the latter metal, it is not absolutely impossible. It would be curious, as well as instructive, if the Almighty should take this means of proving that he has the power, which has been denied him, of making a silver dollar equal to a gold one, and at the same time teaching us that questions of gold and silver, about which we get into such heats, are not the most vital ones, and are by no means left so exclusively to our settlement as we have imagined.

According to a Canadian dispatch, the Minister of Education for Ontario, the Hon. G. W. Ross, intends to submit to the provincial legislature at its next session a measure for the establishment of technical schools in the manufacturing towns of the province. This is to be done as an equitable extension to mechanics and artisans of the privileges which the province has already granted to those who are being educated for the various professions. To this end the money now appropriated to mechanics' institutes will be transferred and form part of a fund for the technical schools. Sufficient legislative grants will also be necessary, so that the youth of the province may have a chance to study the rudimentary principles of the various trades. It is stated that Mr. Ross intends soon to visit the leading technical schools of New England, with the object of studying the best methods in vogue therein. If this measure becomes law, a substantial addition will have been made to the already fine system of education in force in Ontario. இ

The elections in Florida and Georgia resulted in Democratic victories, as expected. In Florida the Republican party had virtually disbanded four years ago, when it put no electoral ticket in the field. This the equal divisyear ion of the Democratic delegation to Chicago on the currency issue led some Republicans to claim the State as doubtful, and an effort was made to bring out the old Republican vote. The managers of the Republican National campaign, however, after looking over the field, refused to forward the necessary funds to pay the polltaxes of the negroes ($2 each) and other expenses essential to a full registration. The result was a practical collapse of the Republican campaign. Only about one-third of the old Republican vote was polled. The Democratic vote was considerably greater than in 1894, but somewhat less than in 1892. The Populist vote-always small in Florida-was this year smaller than usual. In Georgia The issue, as there was no Republican ticket in the field. has been previously stated in these columns, was the proposed prohibition of bar-rooms throughout the State. The Populists arrayed themselves on the side of prohibition, and the Democrats against it. The Democrats contended that the present local option law, under which prohibition was already established in three-quarters of the counties, restricted the bar-rooms as much as was practicable. At the beginning of the campaign the Republican State Committee virtually threw its influence on the side of the Democrats by voting to take no part in the campaign. Subsequently-influenced, it was said, by the desire of Northern managers to decrease the Democratic plurality—the Republican Chairman advised the negroes to support the Populist candidate. This advice, however, does not seem to have been widely followed. In the white districts the Populists, or rather the supporters of prohibition, seem to have polled an unusual majority of the vote. Even in the city

taxes, etc., etc.) to be absolutely abolished; life tenure for officers in the departments during good behavior, removal to be only on charges filed with the Mayor by the heads. of departments. Mr. Greene is certainly right in affirming that, in whatever form the new charter may be cast, it must, to be successful, conform to American ideas of popular government, and must at the same time offer inducements to men of ability and character to hold office.

of Atlanta, heretofore strongly Democratic, they came within a few hundred votes of victory. But in the counties where the negro vote is large, the Democratic majority was largely increased. To a less extent than usual can this negro Democratic vote be attributed to election frauds, for the new registration law, though administered by a grossly partisan body of officials, undoubtedly checked the counting of votes never cast. The saloons, and not the election officials, would seem to be responsible for the increased Democratic majority, and the election throws little or no light on public opinion in that State upon the Federal issues. Its greatest importance appears to lie in the fact that apparently the negro vote was not prevented, and, general reader: Is missionary interest, as represented by

indeed, was to a considerable extent counted by both parties.

The gravity and complexity of the problem of providing a municipal charter for the Greater New York cannot be overestimated. The report of the sub-committee of the Commission will be taken up at once by that body, and it is greatly to be regretted that the time for consideration is so short. The charter of what will be the largest city of the world under a central government will be an instrument of vast power for good or evil. To act hastily or incompletely will be disastrous. To preserve the requirements of local home rule, to guard against political chicanery, to adjust the relations of executive and legislative functions, to formulate the right division of power between city and State, to preserve property rights, to insure economy, to provide for gathering and spending the city's enormous income-all these and other requirements must be given due weight. The present city government is clearly not to serve as model: now the State has undue power over local matters; there is no adequate legislative body; the legislative function is trusted partly to the incompetent single-chamber Board of Aldermen, partly to special Boards and Commissions; the heads of these Boards, though appointed by the Mayor, are practically independent of him, and are not removable by him; in short, the division of authority is quite anomalous and unsystematic. In an article on the general subject in the current "Scribner's Magazine" Mr. Francis V. Greene points out many of the difficulties, and makes some reasonable suggestions for the basis of the charter. Some of these are met by the draft now under consideration by the Commission, others inadequately or not at all. Greene urges a clear distinction between executive and legislative powers; a salaried Mayor elected by universal suffrage for four years or more, with full power to appoint and remove heads of departments, who should have the same term of office as the Mayor, and have each complete authority over his department, subject to the Mayor; an Assembly of two Houses-the upper to have twenty-one members elected for six years, one-third going out of office every two years, members to be well paid and give their time solely or mainly to the city; the lower House to have, say, sixty members, elected annually on a district or ward ticket, and to have small salaries; complete legislative authority for the two Houses the upper to be able by a two-thirds vote to pass financial and tax measures over either the Mayor's veto or an adverse vote of the lower House; subdivision of the city into, say, ten municipal divisions, each to have a municipal office building where there should be a local representative of every city department, and where the business of the departments for that particular section should be carried on, so that a citizen could go to his local health bureau or tax bureau just as he does now to his local police station; the present legislative Boards and Commissions (police, sewers, parks,

Mr.

We give on another page a brief but comprehensive report of the meeting last week of the American Board. There are three questions which will specially interest the

contributions, increasing or falling off? Will the American Board retreat from Turkey and withdraw its missionaries because of the terrible condition of affairs in that country? Are the difficulties between the American and the native workers in Japan to be adjusted, or are they irreconcilable? To all these questions explicit answers are given. Dr. Daniels, in his paper, presents a table of figures which will somewhat surprise even those who have taken hopeful views respecting the religious life of the present decade. Certainly it ought to furnish an agree able surprise to those who have supposed that missionary interest was on the decline. Says Dr. Daniels:

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"We have passed six years into the ninth decade, to find another advance, the average being $754,828. The spirit of missionary zeal is kindled at just the time of its greatest need. We cannot withhold the feeling that this is the time of our great need. Then, in the line of history, this is the time for another advance in which all the churches shall be enlisted."

Comparing these figures with those of our census returns, they show us that in the eighty years (1820-1900) in which the country has grown from about 10,000,000, to about 70,000,000 (assuming that it will reach the latterfigure in 1900)—that is, has been multiplied by seven or a little more the contributions to the American Board have increased from $16,000 to $755,000—that is, have been multiplied by forty-seven. Or, again, during the thirty years. 1860-1890, in which the assessed valuation of real and

personal estate in the United States has increased from

$12,000,000,000 to $24,500,000,000, the contributions to the American Board have increased from about $300,000 to about $645,000-in other words, a trifle more than the assessed valuation of all property, real and personal; and this in spite of the fact that during this time at least onehalf of the earlier constituency of the American Board have withdrawn and created another organization for their missionary activities.

We heartily concur in the views of the Secretaries on the other two points. The conclusions of Dr. Judson Smith on the problem in Turkey is that there must be no retreat from mission work in that country:—it would be against the teaching of history; the Christian Church has. too great a stake in the work to desert it now; to withdraw would be to lose a great opportunity, since the pressure of a common distress has brought Protestants and . Gregorians into closer and more helpful relationship; it would be to abandon a martyr Church in the hour of its greatest need; finally, the testimony of the missionaries

is against withdrawal. If prudential reasons did not require caution, the argument against withdrawal might have been still more strongly put. It is not to the credit of a nation that the State Department has endured with such unexemplary patience the outrages to American citizens and the destruction of American property in Turkey. And it would be the disgrace of the Christian Church if it were to abandon its fellow-members because they are in so deadly a peril. To their honor be it said, not a single missionary has proposed to flee from his dangerous post. The difficulties in Japan have been presented in the columns. of The Outlook during the past year, and need not be rehearsed. They are clearly stated by Secretary Barton, whose conclusion is that the work was never more pressing, and that the outlook on the whole is hardly encouraging. One fact which he mentions ought to be given publicity. When the Deputation left Japan last December, there was serious difference between it and the Trustees of the Doshisha concerning the use of certain houses in Kyoto which were claimed both by the Mission and by the Trustees. Dr. Barton states that the Trustees have now given assurances to the Board that the houses may be used by the missionaries, if desired, for a period of fifteen years. This seems to be a satisfactory solution to what threatened at one time to be a serious complication.

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The Issues of the Campaign

II. Civil Service Reform

In considering the issues of the present political campaign we take account only of the Republican and Democratic parties and platforms. For it is certain that one or the other of these two parties will be successful. Whatever effect a vote for any other party may have as a protest against the two principal ones, whatever effect. it may have in laying the foundation for a new party in 1900, its only immediate effect will be to promote the election of either Mr. McKinley or Mr. Bryan. It is, therefore, of the issues joined between the parties which they represent that we speak, and of those alone, in this series of articles. The issue on the subject of Civil Service Reform is represented by the following two planks in their respective platforms:

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Civil Service Reform is no longer a vague phrase. It represents not merely a reform of the Civil Service, but a definite method of securing it. This method, briefly stated, is this: The various heads of departments have an unhampered power of removal. There is no life tenure of office.

There is not even a tenure for good behavior. It has been deemed impossible to hold an official responsible for subordinates whose service is unsatisfactory to him, and hazardous to the service to relieve him of such responsibility by denying him the right of removal. He is not even obliged by law to assign any reason for any removal. But when the removal is made, he is obliged to select a person to fill it from a list of men who have given some reasonable evidence of their fitness so to do. That evidence may be afforded by excellent work done in some

lower rank in the same department; or it may be afforded by an examination into the subject matters with which the candidate needs to be acquainted if he would fill the place satisfactorily. In other words, while the power of removal is left undisturbed, the power of appointment is so far modified as to remove from the appointing officer the temptation of putting into office candidates chosen from considerations of personal or political favoritism.

It may be frankly conceded that this is not an ideal system; that such examinations do not and cannot determine adequately all the qualifications which enter into a successful service; that if all appointing officers possessed that capacity for reading character which characterizes the men of the greatest executive genius, and were wholly free from that personal and political partiality which is the common vice of all men, an unfettered choice in appointment as well as an unfettered power of removal would give the best Civil Service. But few appointing officers possess this peculiar genius, and fewer still are free from prejudice. The method of unfettered appointment and unfettered removal has been tried on a large scale both in this country and in Great Britain, and the result in both countries was a corruption so insidious and so widespread as to threaten the very stability of the government. He who will read the history of the working of the spoils system either under Walpole in Great Britain or under successive Presidents from Jackson to Hayes in the United States will find in both abundant ground for the apprehension expressed by President Cleveland in his first annual message, that the Government cannot long survive the onslaught made for a complete change of officers with every administration.

The reform of the Civil Service, by gradually requiring the selection of administrative and non-political officers to be made from a list of men whose capacity has stood some sort of preliminary test, has proceeded against great opposition, and very gradually. Each party has affirmed its belief in the principle before election, and violated it after election. But each President has enlarged the list of the offices to which the principle should be applied, and no President has ventured openly to undo what his predecessor in office had done. Journals like the New York "Sun" and politicians like Senator Ingalls have sneered at Civil Service Reform, but no open, public, organized opposition to it has ventured to show its head in recent years. The opposition to it has always been covert. It may now be fairly affirmed to be the settled policy of this Government, as it is the settled policy of Great Britain. It extends to a large proportion of the offices through which the administration of the Government is carried on.1 It practically banishes the bribery of the spoils system from the great offices at Washington, and, outside of Washington, from the Indian Service, the Custom-Houses, the Post-Offices, and the Life-Saving Stations in short, from nearly if not yet quite all the domestic administration. It needs to be extended to our consular and diplomatic service in order to secure honest, faithful, and capable service abroad. And it needs to be let alone for another quarter of a century in order to become really incorporated in the life and thought of the Nation, as well as in its formal machinery.

The declarations of both the great political parties on this subject are sufficiently explicit. The Republican party promises itself to maintain this principle; the

Competitive examinations were first introduced into the Civil Service by President Grant. The passage of the Civil Service Law and the appointment of the Civil Service Commission in 1883 brought less than 14,000 places under the operation of the Civil Service system. To that number additions have been made successively by Presidents Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison, until now the system has been so extended as to leave a relatively small number of exempts as against 85,000 places which are filled by candidates who have successfully passed the required examinations or proved their capacity by their fidelity in a lower rank of the Civil Service.

Democratic party promises to overthrow it. It is true that the last promise is somewhat vaguely expressed. It is true that it assumes-what we have seen is not true that the present system furnishes a life tenure in the Civil Service, and opposes such life tenure. It is true that it vaguely promises to base its appointments on merit. But it is also true that its somewhat shadowy promise of "equal opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness," interpreted by past history and present conditions, needs no interpreter. It assumes that office is a "gift" of the people; it demands for all the people an equal chance in the distribution of these gifts; it practically denies the aphorism, "A public office is a public trust," and the doctrine that appointments to office are to be made only for the benefit of the country, never under any circumstances for the benefit of the appointee. It needs, we say, no interpreter; but if it did, Mr. Bryan's interpretation is certainly explicit. We quote from "Good Government" for August 15, 1896:

"In a letter written, before he was a candidate, to Daniel B. Kelley, of Haverhill, Mass., Mr. Bryan declared that 'In the distribution of patronage he (the President) is in duty bound to recognize all the elements of his party; to discriminate against a portion of the party which helped to elect him is as indefensible as it would be to appoint members of another party to offices to which the party is entitled.'" There is no mistaking the meaning of this declaration. Offices are 66 patronage;" they are to be " "distributed among the party; it is the party alone which is entitled to a share in this patronage; justice requires only that all factions of that party are to have a share in the spoils. And this letter is the more significant because it was written before the present campaign began.

It cannot be said to be certain that if Mr. McKinley is elected the promises of the Republican platform will be fully carried out, for pledges made before election are not always fulfilled afterwards. But there is small reason to doubt that if Mr. Bryan is elected the whole system of Civil Service, built up by such slow processes and at so great a cost, would be swept away, the experience of Great Britain for a century and of the United States for half a century would be disregarded, the spoils system would be reintroduced, and the over one hundred and twenty-five

thousand administrative offices in the Federal Government would be again put up to be struggled for by a hungry horde of office-seekers, eager for a distribution of patronage, and inspired in all their political activity, not by patriotism, but by the desire for a "soft" place and a good salary.

A Theological Etching

What do we mean by the creed which seems to be simple and is so profound, and which slips so glibly from our lips and enters so little into our hearts-God is love? Paul has told us in a wonderfully beautiful passage what love is; and if God is love, then what Paul says of love, Theology, if it believes in Paul, ought to say of God. And then what it would say would be something like this:

God suffereth long and still is kind; God envieth not; God seeketh not his own; God is not easily provoked; God thinketh no evil; God rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth; God beareth all things, trusteth all things, endureth all things.

If we believed this, we should not believe that God has to be appeased by Another's suffering in order that He may be kind; we should believe that the Passion of Christ is itself the revelation of God's long-suffering love, the love that suffers long and still is kind.

We should not believe that God ever punishes a mother

for loving her child too much by taking the child away, that he envies the child its mother's love. One cannot love father or mother, husband or wife, child or friend, too much. We may love God too little, but not our dear ones too much. Idolize a child! Never! Idolatry is always of a material thing, never of a living person. Where does Old Testament prophet or New Testament Apostle warn us against loving our neighbor too much? Oh! fools and blind, to think God envies.

God seeketh not his own. The declaration of the Shorter Catechism that "The decrees of God are his eternal purpose, according to the counsel of His will, whereby, for His own glory, He hath foreordained whatsoever comes to pass," is not true. It cannot be reconciled with Scripture, nor with a true, loving, childlike reverence for God. Did Christ form his plans and purposes "for his own glory"? Is Christ God manifest in the flesh or not? It is true that the children are the glory of the mother; but the mother seeks her children's welfare, not her own glory. It is true that the prosperity of his subjects is the glory of the prince; but he seeks their welfare, not his own glory. If God were the self-seeker which the Shorter Catechism says he is and the Bible says he is not, he would not deserve our reverence. He might command our service through fear, not our loyalty through love. God is not easily provoked. What becomes of the monstrous philosophy that because God is an infinite Being sin against him deserves and will receive his infinite wrath?

God thinketh no evil; rejoiceth not in iniquity. He knows the evil in man that masquerades under forms of virtue, but He also knows the good in man that hides itself under his blunders and his ignorance. His inquisition is the inquisition of love. He searches and probes only that he may cure. In no phase of iniquity can he rejoice; not in its existence; not in its discovery; not in punishing it. The sin of his children is in every aspect of it a pain to the Father's heart. He looks on recreant humanity as Christ looked on denying Peter. He meets betraying humanity as Christ met betraying Judas, with the sorrowful greeting of wounded love, Friend, betrayest thou me

with a kiss?

God trusteth all things; his faith in his children surpasses their confidence in themselves. God hopeth all things; he is infinitely hopeful, the God of all hope. God endureth all things, with a patience as infinite as his power, his wisdom, his love.

This is the New Testament outline of God: how it contrasts with such semi-pagan misreports as still find place in some modern theologies, and such cold and barren definitions as still offer themselves in some modern philosophies!

The Citizen a Trustee

An American in England during the Parliamentary election in 1892 was impressed by observing a greater stress there than here upon the principle that a citizen, in the exercise of his franchise as a voter, is a trustee for the public welfare. Addresses to the public by committees of prominent men, representing both the Established and the Free Churches, emphasized this principle. They urged citizens to look higher than personal interests and party affiliations in favor of candidates who could be depended on to carry forward the work of social reformation. The Archbishop of Canterbury also emphasized it in a form of prayer for use while the election was pending: "That all

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