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eight from South Dakota, and five from Washington. In case the gold delegations from Michigan and South Dakota are unseated, the free-coinage advocates will have an apparent majority of two to one. It will, however, probably be necessary for them to change the traditional rule requiring a two-thirds majority for nominations, if they would place an uncompromising free-coinage man at the head of the ticket. There are anti-silver men on many of the delegations instructed to vote as a unit for a free-coinage platform, and these can dictate the nomination of a compromise candidate in case the two-thirds rule is maintained and the Eastern delegates remain in the Convention after the adoption of a free-coinage platform. A compromise candidate would prevent the union of the silver forces. The nomination of a free-coinage candidate will be followed either by a bolt or a great secession, in the East, to the Republican candidate.

The death of Lyman Trumbull at Chicago, Ill., removes one of the last of the commanding figures associated with the organization of the Republican party and the emancipation of the slaves. Ex-Senator Trumbull was born in Colchester, Conn., in 1813. After teaching school for several years in his native State and in Georgia, he began the practice of law in Illinois in 1837. In 1848 he was made Judge of the Supreme Court of the State, and in 1854 was elected to Congress as an anti-slavery Democrat. The year following he was elected United States Senator through the fusion of the anti-slavery forces in the Legislature. Upon the formation of the Republican party he was a leader of the Democrats who joined the new organization and overthrew Democratic supremacy in what had been its chief stronghold. He was re-elected to the Senate in 1861 and 1867. During the war he was a member of the radical wing of the Republican party, supporting the most vigorous measures for the suppression of the rebellion and the emancipation of the slaves. He drafted the laws freeing the slaves in the territory held by our armies, and the Constitutional amendment establishing their emancipation. When the war was over, he remained an earnest supporter of the civil rights of the negroes-himself drafting the Civil Rights Bill-but upon other matters became as friendly toward the South in its defeat as he had been hostile toward it in the time of its supremacy. He finally broke with his party on the question of the impeachment of President Johnson. He was one of the leaders of the Liberal Republican movement of 1872, and was widely supported for its Presidential nomination. After the defeat of Greeley, he joined the Democratic party, and in 1880 was the Democratic candidate for Governor of Illinois. In his later life he became identified with the Populist party. Though a man of considerable property, he was an especially earnest advocate of the progressive taxation of incomes and inheritances. Despite his great age, he was prominently spoken of for the Populist Presidential nomination this year.

The Canadian general elections, which were held on June 23, and resulted in favor of the Liberals by a plurality of forty-six over the Conservatives, and a majority of twenty-four over all opposing parties combined, mark the reversal of a tariff policy which had been in force in the Dominion ever since 1878; and they are also noteworthy in their relation to the vexed question of clerical interference in politics-a question which, in Canada, has had a continuous life since Confederation. In 1878 the Conservative party gained power by its advocacy of a protective tariff; and, until a few days ago, an average tax of

thirty-five per cent. on dutiable imports was the economic policy of the country. One of the two leading issues in the elections was the reform of the tariff, with the object of placing it upon a revenue instead of a protective basis; and the accession of the Liberals to power is likely to effect this change, lowering the duties chiefly on the raw materials of manufacture, though doing so cautiously, so as to injure as little as possible such industries as have been built up under a protective tariff and are specially dependent upon it. As nearly as can be inferred from the utterances of leading men and journals in the Dominion, the average rate upon dutiable imports under the new tariff will be about twenty per cent. The verdict so decisively given on this question was a well-won and deliberate recognition that the protective policy had had a long and fair trial, and that it did not fulfill the sanguine predictions which were made at the time of its introduction. In another respect the change made has a practical bearing upon the commercial policy of this country. Heretofore the Liberals have shown more willingness than their opponents for a measure of reciprocity with the United States; and the chances of such a measure have been improved by the change of government in the Dominion. Expressions of opinion at Washington confirm this view.

But, without doubt, the other main issue-the Manitoba school question was the more exciting, though not intrinsically the more important. The question whether Manitoba should be coerced into the restoration of a separate school system which she had abolished touched racial and religious prejudices from one end of the Dominion to the other, though, as the event proved, with disastrous results to the prestige of the Roman Catholic hierarchy of Quebec. We have already given our readers a brief outline of the dispute, and of its introduction into the federal politics of Canada. The well-known mandate of the Quebec bishops, commanding all the Roman Catholic parishioners of that province to vote for Sir Charles Tupper and the Conservative party, was at first looked upon as a weapon of such strength and edge that the object of its aim would be surely pierced. But shortly before election day ominous signs of revolt were noticed. The mandate was read a second time in all the Catholic churches of the Province; and in dozens of congregations dissentient members arose and walked out, as a protest against priestly rule in politics. The greatest surprise of the election was the return, from a Province said to be the most bigoted of Catholic communities, of forty-six members-out of a total of sixty-fivepledged to resist the policy so menacingly enjoined upon them by the bishops. The mandate proved a boomerang, and has dealt a death-blow to the interference of the Romish hierarchy in Canadian politics. Never again will an episcopal manifesto be used in the Dominion to coerce the conscience of a Catholic elector. Doubtless the personality of the Liberal leader, Mr. Wilfrid Laurier, a French Canadian of great natural eloquence and high character, had much to do with the large majority won by him in his native province. Had Ontario, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the other provinces supported him with the same heartiness as Quebec, the Liberal majority would have been more than doubled. His policy of conciliation, as opposed to coercion, gained him the support of thousands of Protestant Conservative voters who had confidence in his integrity and admired his fearless opposition to the bishops. The first step in the realization of that policy will be the appointment of a Commission whose thorough investigation will bring to view the facts and circumstances affecting the educational condition of the Catholic minority

in Manitoba. Now that all idea of coercion by federal interference has been abandoned, the generosity of the Manitoba Government and people has been appealed to in furtherance of a peaceful settlement. This does not necessarily mean that separate schools will be restored; but, the attitude of conciliation having been adopted, something substantial is certain to be done in improving the position of the Catholic minority. The investigations of the Commission will take considerable time, and the result of its deliberations will be awaited with the confidence inspired by the fact that a vexed question has been removed from federal politics, and will receive the attention of able and well-disposed minds. But, apart from the question itself, it would be difficult to exaggerate the beneficial influence which will result from the rebuke of arrogant clericalism in one of its chosen homes.

The arrest and release by Venezuelan troops of the British surveyor Harrison in the Cuyuni district of the disputed territory illustrate most satisfactorily the advantage of the present sane and unimpassioned way in which this country and Great Britain are now dealing with the Venezuelan question. Had this incident occurred immediately after President Cleveland's needlessly aggressive message was issued, and when public feeling had been raised to an excited pitch by the warlike vaporings of the press, it might have led to serious consequences. As it is, now that the whole problem has been made the subject of amicable and considerate diplomatic endeavor on both sides to reach a fair conclusion, the incident was easily disposed of; Great Britain, having no direct diplomatic relations with Venezuela, asked our Government to use its good offices to secure the release of the arrested surveyor ; Venezuela, on its part, showed every desire to avoid a strained situation, and hastened to release Mr. Harrison as soon as it heard of his arrest. Instead of increasing the difficulties in the way of final settlement, the incident has led to a more friendly feeling all around, and it is stated that the Uruan incident is also on the point of settlement, while the belief increases that some reasonable way of determining the boundary dispute may soon be reached. Mr. Harrison was engaged in preliminary surveys near the Barama River, in the territory which is claimed by Great Britain not to be reasonably subject to arbitration. It is very sparsely settled by English or British Guianian colonists, and its commercial connections are by steamer to Georgetown. A road has been projected, and would greatly add to the value of the country. Venezuela claims the territory, but has done little or nothing to improve it. The surveying party evidently in its zeal overstepped the tacit understanding that there should be no aggressive movements by either side in the disputed country at present; the Venezuelan officers equally showed too great haste to resent the advance, and acted without orders from their Government. Calm and rational action by all three Governments has prevented a conflict of authority and claims which might easily have led to a crisis. We advise, by the way, those who wish to obtain a

clear idea of the actual character of the territory in dispute to read an article in the current "Century," which shows that it is in large part unexplored and uninhabited, and that of its not more than twenty thousand inhabitants nine-tenths are wandering and uncivilized Indians. view of such facts as these, claims of permanent occupation for a century made by both sides to the controversy appear almost ludicrous.

Two Americans were honored last week by honorary degrees at Oxford University-Mr. Bayard, and Dr. Hoff

man, of the General Theological Seminary, in this city. The educational event of the season in Great Britain was the tribute to Lord Kelvin, better known still in this country as Sir William Thompson. It was the fiftieth anniversary of Lord Kelvin's appointment to the Professorship of Natural Philosophy, and was the joint celebration of the Corporation and the University of Glasgow. Messages of congratulation were received from learned societies of Great Britain, the Continent, and the United States, from the Queen and the Prince of Wales. The highest degrees were conferred, medals were presented, and there was a great banquet at which the Lord Provost presided. Never, probably, in the history of science has any man received a more enthusiastic or comprehensive recognition of great achievements, and certainly no man has better deserved such a recognition. In his very modest address Lord Kelvin disclaimed having done anything especial for Glasgow or for the University. "When I think," he said, "how infinitely little is all that I can do, I cannot feel pride. I only see the great kindness of my scientific comrades and of all my friends in crediting me with so much," and he declared that the one word which characterized his most strenuous efforts was failure; that

he knew no more of electricity and magnetic force or of the relation between ether, electricity, and ponderable matter or of chemical affinity than he knew and tried to teach fifty years ago. This is a statement which many scientific men will do well to lay to heart. But, in spite of the inevitable limitation which bounds achievement along scientific lines, Lord Kelvin has done a great work, not only for scientific investigation, but for the practical advancement of his kind. Eminent as a mathematician, an electrician, and a mechanical inventor, he has been notable for the number of practical applications of his theories which he has made. His study of the laws of heat, magnetism, electricity, the action of tides, has borne its fruit in improved appliances and methods of submarine telegraphy, electric lighting, and navigation, and when the Lord Provost, in his speech at the dinner, declared that thousands of lives and millions of property had been saved through Lord Kelvin's perfected compass and apparatus for sounding, he was probably within the limits of truth. The ardor of his youth still abides in the heart and mind of the veteran man of science. He believes that the world is on the verge of further and more important discoveries, which will bear still more directly upon the material and moral welfare of the race. Such men not only serve their time and honor their kind, but they add dignity and interest to human life.

The building, by private persons, of dormitories for col


lege students, which recalls the origin of colleges and their early place in the university system, is growing both in England and in this country, and a peculiarly interesting experiment in this direction is being made in Edinburgh. The London "Speaker" reports that Professor Geddes has for some years past, as the representative of different investors, been engaged in erecting residences mainly for university students and chiefly in the Old Town. his direction extraordinary transformations have taken place, and a number of slums have disappeared and on their former sites college residences have arisen of very considerable architectural beauty. Some of these houses are self-governing; that is to say, they are practically independent of college authority. Others are governed in a general way by resident tutors, thus providing for Edinburgh favorable conditions for a kind of college life which the Scotch universities have generally lacked and which has been so marked a feature in English universities.

Professor Geddes's undertaking has now assumed such proportions that it has outgrown individual resources, and an organization has been formed with a capital of half a million dollars, and with the appropriate title of the "Town and Gown Association, Limited," to carry on the work. In institutions where the numbers of students have outgrown the capacity of the dormitory, and, in some cases, the capacity of the colleges themselves for expansion, private enterprise may very profitably supplement the direct effort of the colleges, with profit not only to the students but to the investors. Houses erected in Edinburgh have not only become centers for university work and meeting-places for extension students, but they have also afforded opportunities for that kind of university influence which has been exerted heretofore through university and college settlements. The experiment in Edinburgh will be watched with a good deal of interest, and very possibly may afford a suggestion to capitalists in this city in association with the development of the property on Morningside Heights.

The friends of reform in the administration of public schools watch the progress of affairs in New York City under the new law with interest, mixed with a good deal of anxiety. Thirteen assistant superintendents have been appointed by the Board of Education. Of the thirteen men appointed only four are new to the work. Two of these are men who have made reputations in their present positions one as Principal of the Horace Mann School at the Teachers' College in this city, the other as Superintendent of Schools at Mount Holyoke, Mass.; the other two have been principals of schools in Brooklyn, and rank professionally with the average of men in such positions. No women have been appointed as assistant superintendents. Superintendent Jasper asked for the appointment of supervisors of manual training, cooking, and the kindergarten; he asked that four supervisors, two men and two women, be appointed for the latter. Mrs. Williams, who has been nominated as a Supervisor of Kindergartens, has never received a kindergarten training. She was formerly a Commissioner of Education, who took an active part against the passage of the reform bill. While there can be no doubt of her intelligence, it is most unfortunate that, she should be urged for a place requiring professional training which she has not received. In the very nature of things she could not do for this department of education what a supervisor should do, nor could she command from the kindergartners what they would naturally concede to a woman recognized as an expert in the department. The position ought to command the services of an expert. In the department of physical culture for girls, experts have been appointed.

The victory of Cornell in the intercollegiate eight-oared boat-race at Poughkeepsie on Friday of last week was well earned, and evinced undisputed superiority in skill and strength. The time made was more than creditable, and the defeated crews of Harvard, Pennsylvania, and Columbia have the consolation of being beaten in one of the finest displays of oarsmanship ever seen. In college aquatic sport this race was the great event of this year, and perhaps attracted all the more interest because of the failure of the Yale and Harvard boating diplomats to agree upon a meeting this summer. As a spectacle the Poughkeepsie race was in every way pleasing; the beauty of the Hudson River, the perfection of the June weather, the great crowds of enthusiastic supporters of the crews, the brilliant colors on the long observation train, the decorated yachts and

well-filled excursion boats, all made up a scene to be en

joyed and remembered. joyed and remembered. No quarrels or counter-claims marred the occasion; we wish we could say also that there was no betting. Public interest will now be turned toward the attempt of Yale to bring to this country the Grand Challenge Cup of the Henley Regatta. The race takes place on July 7, and the Yale crew will have to meet several of the very best English college and other amateur eights. The reports from Henley indicate that Yale has a fine crew in good training, but that her competitors are also doing splendid work. The prospects are that the races will be close and exciting. The American crew has been treated with the greatest of courtesy by the English people and press, and, however the race may result, the affair will be a pleasant international incident.

The situation in Korea has already been outlined in these columns. Russia is practically in control of the country so long as the King and his Ministers remain under the roof and protection of the Russian Embassy. This state of things will last only so long as the Japanese are content with the situation, and there are many things to indicate that that period is rapidly drawing to a close. The Russians are furnishing the King with arms, the palace is deserted, all decrees are issued from the Russian Legation, and Korea is to-day practically a province of the great Russian Empire. The Japanese are not willing to accept this as the result of the recent war between themselves and the Chinese. They had no intention of freeing Korea from Chinese control in order to place it in Russian hands. The sentiment of hostility to China, which was so long prevalent in Japan, has now been supplanted by a feeling of intense antagonism to Russia. The children in the schools are being taught that Russia, by snatching from Japan the fruits of her victory, is her determined enemy, and that Russian control of Korea would be a constant menace to the safety of Japan. The latter country is making every preparation, in a quiet way, for a struggle which is not likely to be long postponed, and which can be averted only in the contingency of a mutual understanding between the two countries, which is highly improbable. The situation is being aggravated, too, by mob attacks on the Japanese in the southern part of Korea, and it is fair to suppose that this feeling has been developed and is being fanned by the Russians, whose active operations in the East are always involved in a great mass of intrigue. England does not seem to count in the situation. She is undoubtedly watching with the greatest care what is going on, but she gives no sign of any active interference.

The recent speech of Count Goluchowski, the Austrian Chancellor, to the delegations or representatives of the Austrian and Hungarian Parliaments, was unusually outspoken, and throws light on at least one matter in which Europe has been a good deal interested. This matter is the inaction of the English Government with regard to the massacres in Armenia. The Chancellor declared in effect that at one time intervention on behalf of the Armenians was imminent, and would have been made at the expense of war, but that Austria combined with Russia to check English action. It is to be inferred, therefore, that the English Government was willing and ready to intervene single-handed in behalf of Armenia, but that it was not willing to do so at the risk of a war with the Triple Alliance. If this was the real alternative presented to the English Government, there is some excuse for its apparent indifference. The Government may not have shown the highest kind of courage, but it apparently was free from

the brutal indifference which Lord Salisbury's jaunty treatment of the matter in his public speeches seemed at the moment to fasten upon it. Count Goluchowski, with entire indifference to consistency, goes on to characterize the Armenian massacres as a stain on the nineteenth century, although apparently Austria did all that she could to give the Sultan a free hand. The Austrian Chancellor now declares, however, with great plainness, that Turkey is doomed unless the Sultan carries out the reforms which he has promised. There must, he said, be reforms in the Turkish Provinces, and above all in Crete, where the convention of Halepa must be restored. Under that convention Crete was guaranteed a nominal autonomy, but so long as the island is garrisoned by Turkish troops that autonomy has no real stability. The Chancellor's words seem to convey a direct intimation, with a penalty attached, to the Sultan. It remains to be seen whether the Sultan will pay any attention to it, or whether he will try in Crete the same policy which he has tried in Armenia, depending upon the jealousies of the Powers to give him the same freedom in that island which he secured in Asia Minor. It is improbable, however, for reasons already stated in these columns, that a systematic slaughter will be permitted in Crete. The Chancellor also declared that cordial relations existed between the Austrian Government and the other Governments which are parties to the Triple Alliance.


The Great Debate

We count it a distinct and serious disadvantage that such an experience as we are now entering upon is called a campaign, and the language of battle is employed in describing it, and the accouterments and movements of a mimic war are used in carrying it on. The inevitable result is an impression, sometimes sedulously cultivated, sometimes carelessly permitted to form itself, that the opposing party is an enemy-an enemy to the country, a personal enemy. Evil motives are imputed, and the imputation by some anonymous gossiper is first treated as though it were a definite accusation by a responsible accuser, and then as a conviction on evidence and after trial. Men are condemned for crimes against the State which ought forever to disfranchise them and to expel them from all honorable society, not only without a trial, but without even a definite accusation by a responsible accuser. Charges of bribery are bruited about against honorable men; stories are circulated of wholesale purchases of delegates or voters -without even a sponsor for the circulation. Of course they fall upon deaf ears; of course they produce a paralysis of the conscience; of course the public, doubting some tales and discounting others, ends by treating them all alike with indifference. Where open charges of crime are not made, evil motives are imputed. The free silver coinage. The free silver coinage advocates are called by unsavory epithets and charged with a desire to make unjust profits out of the Government or to escape the payment of just debts. The gold monometallist is scurrilously called a gold-bug, and charged with speculating out of his country's misfortunes.

Doubtless there is a great deal of selfishness tainting the best of our patriotism. Our self-interest modifies our opinions. But the heart of the American people is honest. The East is as honest as the West; the West as honest as the East. What the American people want is justice. What they desire to accomplish is what is for the interest of the whole country. What the voters need is light, not heat. What the country needs is to realize that we are on the eve,

not of a great campaign, but of a great debate. Let us respect each other's motives, honor each other's character, weigh each other's arguments, substitute reason for vituperation and argument for epithets, and so move forward, with charity toward all and malice toward none, to a better understanding, for ourselves and our neighbors, of the Nation and its needs.

George Adam Smith

The Outlook presents to its readers in this issue the portrait of one of the most distinguished of living Biblical scholars. Professor George Adam Smith has been in this country for several weeks. He came at the invitation of Johns Hopkins University to deliver a course of lectures on Biblical themes. Since then he has lectured before Union Theological Seminary, and in various other institutions of learning, and has been in constant demand both as lecturer and preacher. Professor Smith is perhaps the most prominent Old Testament scholar in the Free Church of Scotland. Hardly forty years of age, he has published three works of eminent and enduring value. It is no exaggeration to say that his volumes on the Book of Isaiah, which form a part of the " Expositor's Bible," are the ablest and most popular on that subject which have appeared in the English language. His second great work was the "Historical Geography of Palestine," which has almost superseded Dean Stanley's famous "Sinai and Palestine." His latest Commentary, a book of equal value, on "The Minor Prophets," has just made its appearance.

The first few years of Professor Smith's professional life were spent as a pastor. He is now a professor in the Free Church Theological College. As a student of the Hebrew Scriptures he accepts the results of modern criticism, and belongs to the same class of scholars as Professors Briggs, G. F. Moore, President W. R. Harper, and others equally prominent in this country. Both as a lecturer and preacher he emphasizes the positive side of Christian truth. Full of vitality and vivacity, a tireless worker, an accurate thinker, a vivid and picturesque writer, it is not surprising that he has already made for himself a large place in the department of Biblical and theological scholarship. In his own country he belongs to the same intellectual and theological group as Drs. Stalker, John Watson, the late Professor Elmslie, of London, and such writers as Barrie and Crockett. If we mistake not, all these men were friends in the University and are friends in their maturer manhood. Professor Smith is a co-worker with Professors Marcus Dods and A. B. Bruce, who are better known only because they are older. Indeed, it would be hard to find in any Church in the world three more eminent scholars, or more noble and spiritual Christian teachers, than Marcus Dods, Alexander B. Bruce, and George Adam Smith. It is an interesting fact that, in literature, theology, and the pulpit, Scotland leads England. Of the younger school of British authors nearly all were born north of the Tweed. It is only necessary to recall the names of Barrie, Stevenson, Crockett, and John Watson to show the prominence of Scotland in modern letters. The same is true among preachers and theologians. Dods and Bruce, Stalker and Alexander Maclaren, the Cairds of Glasgow and Balliol, Fairbairn, and a host of other sturdy thinkers, were all born in the north, and all in their writings show both their ancestry and the environment in the midst of which their early days were spent. It is interesting to observe among the leaders of northern Presbyterianism their great hospitality to modern learning. In this country the most stubborn opposition to the appli

cation of scientific principles to the study of the Bible and theology is found among Presbyterians. In Scotland, however, the Presbyterian leaders are all its champions; and they are at the same time as positive in their religious convictions as any other body of Christians in the world. When, for instance, Professor George Adam Smith was lecturing at the Summer School at Oxford on the Miracles in the Old Testament, he did not hesitate to recognize the difficulties in the way of the acceptance of some of them as historical; neither did he hesitate to say that the value of the Scriptures as a guide to the spiritual life is not affected by the interpretation given to them. Few things are more difficult for Scotch Presbyterians to understand than the feeling that the teachings of men like Professors Briggs and H. P. Smith are a peril to Christianity. Probably time will work the same slow and sure revolution in this country that it has in Scotland, where those who invoke the aid of the most advanced criticism in the study of Holy Scripture lead in plans for promoting the spiritual life and improving social conditions.

A characteristic of these Scottish scholars is that they are more than mere scholars; they are interested also in public affairs and social life. Some of the best addresses which Professor Smith has given in this country have proved him to be an accurate observer and careful student of the social and religious condition of his country. One statement which he is reported to have made is worthy of the attention of those who discount the Church as an evan

gelizing agency. He said that in Scotland no great evangelistic movements, like those under Mr. Moody, or John McNeill, or the Salvation Army, have reached the lowest classes; that what has been done for them has chiefly been through the ministry of the churches. In other words, the work which Thomas Chalmers began is still carried on in such cities as Edinburgh and Glasgow. Professor Smith, we believe, remains for some time yet in this country, being under engagement to speak at numerous Chautauquas. Those who know him best believe that his work as an interpreter of the Bible to our modern life has but just begun, and that greater things may be expected from his pen than have yet appeared. Ample scholarship and a devout and reverent spirit are in him combined in a rare degree. These qualities have made a profound impression wherever he has preached or lectured; and when he returns to his home he will leave behind him not only ardent admirers of his abilities, but also a large number who will feel richer because they have learned to know and love him as a man.

Quietness of Spirit

There is in some natures a beautiful serenity which seems to exhale calmness and repose. Men and women who have attained to the harmony of character which establishes peace between aims and work, between desire and opportunity, between tasks and abilities, between individual ideals and conditions which must be accepted, bring into the restlessness and agitation of the world a prophecy of the ultimate peace. They seem to see beyond the narrow horizon of the moment; they seem to rest in a final acceptance of the conditions which life imposes upon all who share it, rather than in any provisional successes or achievements. This quietness implies strength, not weakness; it suggests fixity of purpose and continuous energy of will, not compromise and surrender. It is consistent with the most thorough radicalism in dealing with existing conditions; it often characterizes the most aggressive and masterful spirits. One who has had unusual opportunities

of knowing said, not long ago, that the most terrible fighters he had known among the leaders of armies in Europe were very quiet men-men who carried an atmosphere of peace with them. Noise is so often mistaken for the kind of sound which counts; restlessness is so constantly confused with energy, and violence of feeling and exaggeration of speech are so often identified with vigor and force, that men are slow to understand the repose of the great spirits, just as they are slow to recognize the greatness of a masterly work of art. Agitation and hysteria make an instant impression on the unthinking and ignorant; the reposeful and quiet strength of a great book or picture or building must educate those who finally understand it. understand it. An immature and crude play like "The Robbers," with its exaggerations and excesses, takes Germany by storm; but the balanced and harmonized work of later years gets no such applause. The greater a work is, the deeper the education required for its real comprehension; the higher the character, the finer and more tempered the strength, the quieter and calmer the spirit.

A Great Failure

The collapse of the English Education Bill is one of the outstanding events in the Parliamentary history of this century. It is, in fact, almost without a parallel. On May 13 the bill was read a second time in the House of Commons by the positively unexampled majority of 267. Yet, seven weeks later, Mr. Balfour had to admit to the House that it was impossible to carry it through its two remaining stages; to confess that the Opposition was too much for the Government; and that for the session of 1896 the measure must be abandoned. It is a long time since any leader of the House of Commons has been in such an ignominious position. In 1894 the Gladstone Government was compelled to withdraw the Employers' Liability Bill after it had been. But successfully carried through the House of Commons. the abandonment of that much-needed measure was due to amendments made in the Lords, which the Liberals regarded as destructive of the principles of the bill, and in which they refused to concur. In connection with the

Education Bill the House of Lords offered no obstacles. The Liberal peers do not number more than forty. Lord Rosebery's speeches in the constituencies had made it plain that he would offer a most strenuous opposition to the Education Bill when it reached the Upper House; but with the small support he could count upon, the bill was. in no danger. It might have been delayed a week or two; but the Lords would have passed it in much the same shape as it left the Commons.

All the troubles of the Government over the Education: Bill arose in the country, and in the House of Commons, where, notwithstanding the recent reverses at by-elections,. it has still a majority of 147. In this instance, however, a great majority could not be counted upon to secure a legislative success, or to overbear the determined opposition offered to the bill. To those who have followed the discussions on the bill in the House of Commons and in the country, the breakdown is not, after all, surprising. As soon as the bill was introduced, it became evident that there was no general demand for it, no general welcome for it, and that it had comparatively few friends. to give it a whole-hearted support. It was not introduced to meet any well-considered demand made by sincere and practical educationists, or by parents of children attending the common schools. It originated solely with the bishops and clergy of the Church of England;

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