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By Jane Marsh Parker

Purple asters here at last!

And thistle-seed a-blowing!

And what is this in the blackbird's song ?—
The locusts pipe it shrill and long,

Over and over: "Past-past-past-
The summer days are going!"

Stay, chattering squirrel! Why this fret
For hoard you're sure to gather ?
And cunning spinner, why so soon
A shroud to weave a last cocoon?

The bitter frost is far off yet,
Though summer days are going.

Perhaps (who knows?) to grass and fern
Comes bitter pang in turning

From youth to age. Perhaps the wood
Rebels against a faded hood,
And would escape it if it could;
And that with wrath the sumachs burn,
When summer days are going!

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of the Catskill Mountains. Tennis and baseball grounds, bowling alley, and croquet. Post and telegraph offices 6

Dr. Ring's Sanatorium minutes' walk from house. JOSEPH EARL, Mangr.

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INTERPINES" Wickham Park,

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Magnificent ocean views. Service of highest 02

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New York

Churchill Hall STAMFORD,

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N. Y.

A Sanatorium for those Seeking Health and Rest under the Medical management of experienced Physicians. Neptune Brine Ba hs, for RHEUMATISM, GOUT, and NERVOUS DISEASES. Neptune Spring is a 670 Brine, containing the largest amount of Chloride of Calcium of any Spring in the world. Carbonated Neptune Brine Baths (the Nauheim treatment), for chronic diseases of the Heart. All approved forms of Hydrotherapy and Electricity, Massage, Swedish Movements, Turkish and Russian Baths. Valuable Mineral Springs, Muriated, Alkaline, Chalybeate, Iodo-Bromated, and Brine, especially efficacious in disorders of Digestion, Gouty conditions, Diabetes, Anemia, Nervous diseases, and Chronic affections of the Kidney.

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Mountain House Delaware Water Gap, Pa.

Twenty-sixth season. A comfortable, attractively lo cated, popular house at this well-known resort. Send for circular. Mrs. THEO. HAUSER & SON.



Delightful fall climate. Steam heat and open grates. Dry air. Grand scenery. A substantial table and home comforts. and full information gladly sent.



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An Introduction to the Study of the Government and Institutions of the United States. By JAMES BRYCE, with the assistance of JESSE MACY, Professor of Political Science in Iowa College. Revised and abridged from Mr. Bryce's two-volume work on The American Commonwealth.'

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Edited for Schools by HIRAM CORSON, Professor of English Literature in Cornell University.

Notes and Glossary are appended to the text. The notes will be more of a literary character than philological. It has not been thought necessary to give in the Glossary, except to a very limited extent, the etymology of words which are still in the language, and which are recognizable in any of their Fourteenth Century forms. Where they are not so recognizable, they are explained by their modern forms, and when necessary by additional other words defining the meanings they may have in Chaucer different from their Teachers having classes in which such a book may prove available for introduction are asked to correspond with us in reference to specimen copies and terms for introduction.

present meanings.

Studies in Structure and Style

(Based on seven modern English Essays), by W. T. BREWSTER, A.M., Tutor in Rhetoric and English Composition at Columbia University, with an Introduction by G. R. CARPENTER, A.B., Professor of Rhetoric and English Composition at Columbia University. 12mo. Cloth. Price, $1.00. COMMENTS

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Revised and Enlarged for the use of American Schools and Colleges by FRANK L. SEVENOAK, A.M. Half leather. 12mo. $1.10.

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Elements of Geometry

Lock's Trigonometry for Beginners By GEORGE CUNNINGHAM EDWARDS, Associate

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Charles Smith's Elementary Algebra

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Professor of Mathematics in the University of
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Volume 54

The Outlook

A Family Paper

Saturday, 5 September, 1896


R. MCKINLEY'S letter of acceptance makes perfectly definite his position upon the financial issue. He declares specifically against the further coinage of silver until an international agreement is reached, and he makes the financial issue the primary one of the campaign. One-half of his letter is devoted to its discussion. begins with the declaration that the free coinage of silver would mean "the free use of the mints of the United States for the few who are owners of silver bullion, but would make silver coin no freer to the many who are engaged in other enterprises." Heretofore, he says, the United States has bought silver bullion at its market price and has virtually pledged itself to maintain its silver coin at par with gold. Under a free-coinage law there would be no pledge of any sort. "The bullion-owner on the basis of present values would receive the silver dollar for fiftythree cents' worth of silver, and other people would be required to receive it as a full dollar in the payment of debts. The Government would get nothing from the transaction." If the free coinage of silver should raise the value of silver bullion so that a silver dollar would be at par with a gold dollar, "then we would have no cheaper money than now, and it would be no easier to get." Free coinage would not, however, thus raise the value of silver bullion. It would mean "the debasement of our currency to the amount of the difference between the commercial and the coin value of the silver dollar." Already, says Mr. McKinley, the United States has put in circulation $624,000,000 of silver, or paper representing silver. This, he says, is more silver than any other civilized nation circulates. The Republican party, he declares, proposes to keep all our present silver at par with gold, but not to issue more until an international agreement can be reached. He declares that the free coinage of silver by this country would not promote international bimetallism, but defer and possibly defeat it. It would simply "destroy confidence, impair the obligation of contract, and create a panic of unparalleled severity." Summing up his argument, Mr. McKinley says: "It is not an increase in the volume of money which is the need of the time, but an increase in the volume of business. increase of confidence.

Not an increase of coin, but an
Not more coinage, but a more

active use of money coined. Not open mints for the unlimited coinage of the silver of the world, but open mills for the full and unrestricted labor of American workingmen."

Turning now to the question of the tariff, Mr. McKinley pictures the conditions in December, 1892, as set forth by President Harrison's last message, and the conditions to-day. He says that the change has been brought about by the Wilson tariff bill, which has reduced revenue so as to produce a deficit, and has increased importation so as to take work from our own laborers and have it performed abroad. Upon this last point he compares exports and imports for

Number 10

a period of fifteen months under the McKinley Act and a period of fifteen months under the Wilson Act. During the months selected our imports did decrease less than our exports. It may be observed, however, that the contrary is true if we compare the whole of the last three years with the whole of the three years preceding. Our average yearly imports have declined $124,000,000, while our average exports have declined but $60,000,000. If we restore a high protective tariff, Mr. McKinley urges, the deficit in the public revenues will be replaced by a surplus, confidence will be restored, and our labor will be employed. Especially, he says, will the farmer be helped by an increased tariff, for the farmer has especially suffered from the Wilson Bill, which made wool free and greatly reduced its value. Mr. McKinley concludes his letter with a eulogy of the Republican planks in favor of pensions, the development of American shipping, and civil service reform, and a call upon all loyal citizens to unite in putting down the spirit of hostility between classes and sections declared to animate the Democratic platform.

The Republican campaign in New York was formally opened on Thursday evening of last week by a massmeeting at Carnegie Hall in this city, which was addressed by ex-President Harrison. Mr. Harrison began his speech by saying that there never had been a time in his life when he had so high a respect for so many Democrats. The readiness of so many of them to bolt from their party was a proof to him of the strength of patriotism within the Democratic party. The Democratic bolters, however, were asking too much when they urged that the Republican party should “ reorganize itself because the Democratic party had disorganized itself." The defeat of Mr. Bryan could be accomplished only through the Republican party, and Democrats who believed that Mr. Bryan's defeat was of supreme importance should support the Republican party. Mr. Harrison proceeded to summarize the Chicago platform. He declared that its denunciation of President Cleveland for sending troops into Illinois without awaiting the request of the Governor was a denunciation of him for enforcing National law. He declared that the arraignment of the Federal Courts for using "the familiar writ of injunction" to suppress violence was a dangerous assault upon constitutional government, and that the suggestion that the Supreme Court should be reorganized so as to reverse its recent decision against the income tax was an attack upon the independence of the judiciary. Mr. Harrison said that he was inclined to put these issues to the front. He did not propose to discuss the tariff question. This, he said, had been disposed of by the recent hard times, due, he believed, to the Wilson Act. Regarding the free coinage of silver, he said that Jefferson and Hamilton, when fixing a ratio, had ascertained as nearly as they could the ratio prevailing in the markets of the world. The free coinage of the two metals at the ratio of 16 to 1, when the market ratio was 31 to 1, was, said Mr.

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