the pre-eminent glories of his youth,-those deeds which ought to place him in the same class with Washington,-have not yet received their full tribute of admiration.

England had now a glorious opportunity of repairing the wrongs and contributing to the happiness of Ireland. She might have "allured to brighter worlds and led the way."-Two courses were open before her: that which the patriot might have trod, the government of opinion;-or the government of influence, the vulgar and crooked path of ordinary statesmen; of those "sly slow things with circumspective eyes." The constitution of Ireland was in its youth, almost in its infancy; every thing depended upon first im→ pressions, and the formation of early habits. Turned to good, what might not the people of Ireland have become? The encouragement of high and chivalrous principles of patriotism, in the upper classes; the removal of causes of irritation, among the lower; the protection of agriculture and commerce; and, above all, the diffusion of instruction, virtue, and happiness; these would have presented objects worthy of the ambition of the most elastic and buoyant spirit. The opportunity was lost, the old principles were resorted to, and it was found easier to govern Ireland by its vices than by its virtues. During one administration, the example of the court tended to lower national manners, and national morals, by introducing the careless profligacy of France amongst the gay, social, and imitative people of Ireland. During the government of a succeeding viceroy, an undisguised and detestable corruption degraded the character of the legislature, and diminished all confidence in public men. The vilest bargains and sales were effected; and the secret history of this administration would be ludicrous, if it were not base and despicable in its nature, and calamitous in its consequences. The most lavish extension of honours, the most unbounded waste of money, were resorted to; and even when a popular measure, like the pension bill, was adopted by the government, it furnished new evidence of their total want of all decency and principle.

For one short moment, a gleam of light was allowed to break in; but it was transient, and the individual who would have given an example to the people of Ireland in "teaching them how to live" was removed from that situation which he was qualified to dignify and adorn.

Under the influence of such a system of government, the higher

The object of this bill was to limit, under certain circumstances, the grants of pensions to 1200l. per annum. The commencement of the act being unfortunately fixed from the 25th March in the following year, pensions were granted during the intermediate months exceeding 12,000l., beiug equal to ten years anticipation of the powers of the crown.

classes

classes were as much injured by the corruption of modern times, as the peasantry had been by the severities of Elizabeth and Cromwell. The ties which bind society together were relaxed. The pedestal ofthe column had already been undermined; its fair proportions had been destroyed; the beauty of its capital was now defaced. Government became a mean and vulgar art, politics a sordid traffic; and nothing was left to the people but to despise and suffer. Matters could not rest here. A government without confidence, and a people without happiness, must be inevitably thrown into violent collision. The resources of influence were exhausted; corruption itself had become bankrupt, and all faith and hope had disappeared. The rebellion of 1798 ensued, the necessary consequence of the events we have narrated. On its horrors it is not expedient to dwell; mutual exasperation led to mutual excesses, and the greater part of Ireland presented a scene of bloodshed, crime, and devastation. If, however, we might be allowed to express an opinion, we should venture to doubt the accuracy of many of the violent charges brought against the government of the day. That acts of unjustifiable severity were committed, is we fear undeniable; but we cannot believe that such acts were encouraged or sanctioned by any members of the Irish administration.

*

The rebellion led almost necessarily to the union; and, as compared with the pre-existing state of things, the union was a benefit; a benefit it is true of no unmixed kind; but a benefit greater than any that could have been secured, except through the means of such an extensive and efficient reform as it was scarcely safe at that moment to attempt, and which the country scarcely possessed means for carrying into effect. How the union was carried is another consideration. In point of fact, the means then used completed the demoralization of the ordinary race of Irish politicians, and destroyed what little remained of confidence in public men.

Thus was the independence of Ireland surrendered; thus terminated her separate political existence; thus were abandoned those trophies which Grattan had nobly won. A new era of conciliation and liberality was promised; emancipation to the catholic; to the agriculturist a modification of his severest burthens; encouragement to the merchant; and to all peace and security.

How far these promises have been fulfilled, is shown by the present state of Ireland.

In one respect the promised advantages of the union have, it is true, been fully realized. The commerce of Ireland, freed from impolitic restraints, has augmented most rapidly. The imports of Ireland, which in the three years preceding the union had averaged 4,600,000/., in fifteen years subsequent to that event had more than doubled. The exports within the same period had risen in the pro

portion

portion of five to three,-exceeding fourteen millions and a half in 1815. Here we apprehend our favourable view of the state of Ireland must close: we proceed to the less agreeable task of pointing out the dark and unflattering parts of the picture.

On the great question relating to the Roman Catholics of Ireland we shall not enlarge. That subject has been so powerfully argued, both in and out of parliament, that there are but few persons who are not fully aware of the merits of the case: it is, however, worthy of observation, that whilst many opponents to the claims of the catholics have abandoned their first impressions, to support the measures they originally resisted, we are not aware that a single example can be cited of a contrary description; it is also remarkable, that among the friends of catholic emancipation, is to be found a great majority of those most closely connected with Ireland, whilst the greater number of its opponents, have about as clear an idea of an Irish Catholic as they have formed of the mammoth or the megatherion. Examples might also be shown of many who before they visited Ireland were disposed to resist every species of concession, but who after a residence in that country, where they made their own observations, and judged for themselves, have acknowledged a complete revolution in their opinion. Whatever doubts may exist on this great question of national policy, (doubts we rejoice to think every day disappearing,) it is clear, that a state of alternate hope and disappointment is calculated to prolong the agitation of the public mind in Ireland. "Hope deferred maketh the heart sick;" and, during the last twenty years, the hopes of the catholics of Ireland seem to have been raised only to be disappointed.

The opening of the Imperial parliament took place on the 22d January, 1801, and the first measure relating to Ireland discussed in the house of commons, was, by a most ominous fatality, the Irish martial law bill;-a bill, justifiable only upon grounds of imperative necessity, and urgent danger: since that period, the discussions on Irish affairs have been confined, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, to questions of strong and coercive legislation; martial law, suspensions of the habeas corpus, insurrection acts, and bills for the preservation of the peace. These and questions of finance have constituted very nearly the sum total of measures carried through the Imperial parliament for the benefit of Ireland.

How far have these measures been successful? Have insurrections been checked? Has the peace been preserved? Is the internal state of Ireland improved, and has the security of property and the happiness of the people augmented in proportion with these severe enactments? In the first years which succeeded the union the effects of the rebellion were still considered operative. In the year 1803, an

actual

actual insurrection broke out; the capital was attacked, and a general confederation was found to prevail against the existing government. About this period, the chancellor of Ireland stated that he called for his pistols as regularly, when he ventured to take a walk, as for his hat and gloves. In 1807 the existence of a French party is acknowledged from the high authority of Mr. Grattan, and extraordinary powers were confided to the administration. From 1810 to 1814, an interval of comparative tranquillity prevailed; but, during the last six years, constant complaints of disturbance have been made, and acts of outrage committed, in various parts of Ireland. The Caravats in Tipperary, the Threshers in Westmeath, the Carders in Roscommon, the Ribbon-men in Galway, and the White-Boys in Limerick, have arisen in frightful succession. The destruction of all foreign influence has produced no attachment to England; neither has the general peace of the world given to Ireland any internal repose.

Such has been the state of this unhappy country, as illustrated by its history. We have already stated our motives for leading our readers through this detail, and we trust they have appeared sufficient to justify the course we have pursued. If we conceived that our statement could tend to weaken the connexion between the two islands; if we thought it could awaken angry feelings, or excite any national hostility, we should have suppressed it. We have written with very opposite views. We are convinced that the two countries are identified, that they must stand or fall together; and that the one cannot be prosperous, or deserve to be happy, whilst the misery of the other is thought undeserving of sympathy and attention. The wretchedness of seven millions of fellow-creatures ought not to be overlooked, and we are convinced that whenever the case of Ireland is fully understood, it will excite in this country the most unbounded commiseration. "As an Englishman," observed Mr. Wilberforce, "I owe reparation to Ireland for the wrongs of centuriest." Such is the feeling with which the legislature should approach the consideration of this subject, neither undervaluing its importance, nor exaggerating its difficulties; not eager to condemn, nor desirous to punish; but anxious to heal, to assuage, and to relieve.

It has been often stated that the condition of Ireland is controlled by causes over which human authority is powerless. Trite axioms are cited as excuses for inactivity: we are told that the progress of nature cannot be arrested, that all interference is likely to produce more harm than good, and that

of ills which men endure

Small is the share which states can cause or cure.

Lord Clare's Speech, March 23, 1801.-Parliamentary History. † Debate on Mr. Peel's bill, 20th July, 1814.

In

In an artificial state of society we doubt the truth of these general propositions. Sure we are that the possibility of doing good ought not to be lightly passed over. Were a fair and candid investigation of the state of Ireland likely to produce no practical remedy, it would still be valuable as denoting some sympathy for the sufferings of that country. We ought not to undervalue the advantages of teaching the Irish to look to parliament for gentler notices of regard than increased taxes and insurrection acts. Nor are we aware of any theory so inflexibly maintaining the doctrine of non-interference, as to doubt that enlightened legislation may remove evils which ill advised legislation has produced. Indeed, we are convinced, the more we dwell upon the subject, that something, nay, that much may be done. If it appear, that the present system has arisen amidst laws of extreme severity, uncertain in their execution, let the experiment be tried of milder laws more inflexibly administered. If it appear, that ignorance has depressed the minds of the people, let the remedy of education be tried. If it appear, that the essential instructors of the poor are too few for the tasks allotted to them, let their numbers be augmented. If the financial wants of the state have deprived the poor of any means of obtaining the comforts of life, taxation should be reduced. If the catholic disabilities have arrayed the various classes of society in hostility against each other, obliterate such impolitic distinctions. If the protestant establishment is forced to draw an uncertain and degrading support from a reluctant peasantry, let the rights of the church be secured, its splendour maintained, but let the people be protected. If a system of patronage has grown up, rendering public officers inefficient, public men subservient, and the mass of the people greedy and dependent, reform its abuses. If all local expenditure is governed on principles offering bounties to fraud, and rewards to perjury, let its control be placed in other and in better hands: no miserable question of expediency, no paltry calculation of finance, no dependence upon illdeserved support, should be allowed to impede the progress of Irish improvement; of improvement which, in giving happiness to Ireland, would confer security on Great Britain, and strength, vigour, and consolidation, to the resources of the united empire.

The subject is so extensive, that we almost fear to enter into detail, and yet we feel that our task would be incomplete, if we rested. our case on general assertions. We proceed, therefore, to make a few observations on the important subjects we have glanced at.

It is not our intention, for the reasons we have already stated, to discuss the question of catholic emancipation: according to the view we have taken of Irish affairs, an obliteration of all religious distinctions ought to be the first taken by an enlightened administration. The fatal policy of disuniting the people of Ireland, and of rousing

sectarian