fact is that the Philippine Islands are at this moment as truly United States territory as Illinois ;" and that is, of course, the position of the Administration. On no other basis could it defend its use of force in those islands to put down a hostile army and establish civil order on the basis of loyalty to the United States Government. If Dr. Andrews is right, it was, therefore, legitimate for the Postmaster-General to forbid the shipment of Mr. Edward Atkin son's pamphlets to the Philippines, as he has done. For the quotations made above are from these pamphlets,which are framed for the purpose of assisting the Filipinos in their battle against United States authority, and which in terms defend and even eulogize them for fighting us. It is certain that President Lincoln would not have allowed the mails to circulate pamphlets of a similar tone during the Civil War. For" damaging the military power of the Government " by utterances not any more hostile to its authority, Mr. Vallandigham was conducted to the Confed erate lines and given over to the Confederates as one who belonged to them. Mr. Lincoln's argument then has never been effectively answered and never will be "Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desert?" We do not characterize Mr. Atkinson as a wily agitator; he is an agitator, but not wily. But we cannot doubt that the Government is entirely within its rights in prohibiting his agita tion from being carried at United States expense and by United States means to the United States territory in the Far East, if the authorities believe that circulation there will injure the power of the army to maintain the authority of the United States. But we think, none the less, that the Postmaster-General made a mistake; for the pamphlets would have convinced no one not already persuaded, while their attempted suppression, by arousing the indignation of some and exciting the interest of others, will eventually do more harm than could possibly have been done by their free circulation.

in Havana during April was less than half of what it was a year ago. Much still remains to be done in the way of sanitary reform, but the fact quoted is a practical tribute to American methods. On the other hand, the least agreeable news of the week is of repeated acts of brigandage; near Sagua bandits burned two hundred thousand bags of sugar; other similar acts are reported; the organization of a strong body of mounted rural police is a necessity. The long delay in paying the Cuban soldiers continues, but the actual payment is expected this week; no feasible method of purging the rolls of names of "soldiers" who did not enlist until the war was over has been reached; the present plan appears to be to pay out the $3,000,000, pro rata, to all on the rolls. General Brooke's appointments to the Cuban Supreme Court, made last week, seem to give general satisfaction except to the bitter anti-Gomez faction. The new judges are mostly conservatives-not actively engaged in politics of late. Miss Clara Barton, of the National Red Cross, is visiting Cuba to supervise and extend the relief and hospital system, and has made plans for establishing a system of children's hospitals in the large cities.

The Situation in Luzon

While the negotiations for peace between the representatives of General Luna and Aguinaldo on the one hand and General Otis and the President's Commission on the other have as yet had no positive result, the authorities at Washington seem to believe that resistance is nearing its end. This feeling is based partly on the continued efforts of the Filipinos to make conditions consistent with what they consider military and personal honor, and partly on the continued military success of our troops and the diminishing strength of the enemy's defense. It is believed that the insurgent leaders are now favorably disposed to acknowledge American sovereignty, provided that guarantees be given for autonomy in local affairs and for immunity from punishment for past resist ance. At present Aguinaldo still persists in his request for a long truce, so that the Filipino Congress can be consulted, and General Otis positively refuses this. The

accounts of the conferences between Mr. Schurman, of our Commission, and the Filipino officers indicate, however, that there is likely to be found a reasonable ground for negotiation and compromise, leaving Congress free to deal with the future of the Philippines as it may think right and justice demand. The military advance during the week has been considerable. San Fernando was occupied on Friday, after only moderately severe fighting, in which the brave Colonel Funston, of Kansas (now promoted to be a Brigadier-General), was wounded. From San Fernando the insurgents have retired north and northwest into the hill country, but they left a force of about six thousand men in Bacolor, about five miles southwest of San Fernando, and this place is being attacked by our forces as we write. General Lawton has effected a junction from the east with our main army, has captured Balinag and other villages, and has amply sustained his old reputation as a dashing, quick-moving Indian fighter. The insurgents are still active in the southern part of Luzon. Our troops are reported to suffer not a little from heat and weather conditions.

An armistice between the A Truce in Samoa followers of Mataafa and Malietoa Tanu has been agreed upon, and peace will be maintained until the arrival of the Joint High Commission of the three Powers. Press despatches state that the German Consul declined to sign the proclamation issued by the other Consuls calling for a cessation of hostilities, but reports from Berlin state positively that Germany is doing all in her power to preserve peace, and that the reported refusal of the German Consul is not believed in Germany to be true. Mataafa is to keep his forces from approaching nearer than six miles to Apia. Further particulars of the fighting on April 13, April 15, and April 17 show that the Mataafans greatly overmatch the "friendlies," or supporters of Malietoa, and that the latter have done no effective fighting except when aided by the British and American ships or by their landing parties. Eye-witnesses of the fight in which Lieutenant Freeman and Ensign Monaghan of the Philadelphia were killed say that

the latter lost his life in a heroic attempt to rescue Lieutenant Freeman, returning to his assistance in the face of almost certain death. A second letter from Admiral Kautz to a brother here has most unwisely been made public; in it he speaks of the German Consul's conduct as "arrogant and unreasonable," and in other ways comments freely on the situation. It seems time that officers holding high position should learn the dangers of hasty letter-writing, and that their friends should learn restraint in making private letters public. Both Admiral Kautz and Chief Justice Chambers have complicated matters not a little diplomatically by indiscretion of this kind. Our Government seems to approve fully of Admiral Kautz's action in joining the English naval force at Samoa in driving out Mataafa and shelling the villages near the shore. A vehement protest against this action as unnecessary and cruel has been made by Mrs. Robert Louis Stevenson the past week. She writes: "President McKinley allowed no firing on Cuban towns unless they gave active cause of offense, and Commodore Watson was ordered not to attack undefended Spanish cities. Does the President keep his humanity for civilized countries alone?" Mrs. Stevenson declares that the Samoan villages are inhabited in time of war by non-combatants, who have to choose between the shells of the warships and “taking to the bush." Under such conditions, she says, delicate women can hardly exist, while children die like flies.

The Idaho Riots

We are depending on very fragmentary and imperfect telegraphic reports for our account of the condition of affairs in Wardner, Idaho. The difficulties appear to have grown out of the attempt on the part of mine-owners to introduce non-union men. An armed force from other mines in the vicinity marched on the works at Wardner, drove the non-union men away, and burned and blew up with dynamite the buildings and machinery, destroying property valued at from $300,000 to $500,000. The entire district has been placed under martial law, a considerable force of United States regulars has appeared upon the scene, warrants have been

If these are the facts,

sworn out, and constables are making arrests under the protection of the troops; according to the latest advices, 128 men accused of participation in the riot have been arrested and are under guard, while many others of the mob are in hiding in the woods. Most of the rioters are said to be of foreign races, and, according to at least one report, the difficulties date back several years. the real question-if question it can be called-involved in the case appears to be whether a union composed of miners shall have the right to prohibit the employment of non-union men in another mine than that in which they are themselves working, and to enforce that prohibition by shooting the non-union men and blowing up the works. The sooner this question is settled, the better for the workingmen themselves; for no despotism of capital could be worse than the despotism established by such a mob as that which marched in triumph to destroy the works at Wardner, and then fled from the scene of their murder and arson to the woods when United States troops appeared on the scene.

The Civil Service

The fifteenth annual report of the Civil Service Commission is the most interesting and encouraging of those yet published. It shows a larger number of appointments based on examinations than at any previous time in the Commission's history. The report pertinently calls attention to the culmination of Spanish misrule in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines during the year, thus emphasizing the value of a strict adherence to a merit system in governmental administration. It then recites the good things accomplished, the classification of the entire customs service and the extension of the free-delivery postal service, thus bringing many post-offices within the provisions of the Civil Service Law. During the year over forty-five thousand persons were examined; twothirds of that number successfully passed the examinations. As compared with the previous year there was a decrease of nearly five thousand in the number of candidates and of nearly six thousand in the number who did not pass. Perhaps the most picturesque item in the report is

as follows: "Officials in charge of collecting the customs duties of the Government emphatically stated that there has been a saving of about one-fourth in the cost of gathering this part of the public revenue. If their estimate is correct, this item alone shows a saving of nearly $2,000,000 per annum. The Commission is satisfied that if the internal revenue service were conducted with the same regard for the Civil Service Law and rules as the customs service has been, a very large saving would also be shown in the cost of collecting that part of the revenue." The aggregate of salaries in the executive branch of the public service is more than a hundred million dollars. The Com missioners believe that the result of the operation of Civil Service rules nets the Government a saving of ten per cent. As the report opens with reference to Spanish misrule, so it closes with some sensible recommendations in discussing appointments of officers for our newly acquired territory. To this end it gives an authentic account of the methods of the best existing colonial governments, and from a study of them the following timely lessons may be learned regarding colonial officers:

First-That they are not disturbed by political changes in the home government, the tenure being determined by good and efficient service only.

Second-That the men sent to govern colonies are selected because of special fitness, and are promoted, generally from the smaller colonies to the larger, after demonstrating ability to deal with difficult problems.

Third-That the officers charged with the collection of revenue, both internal and customs duties, are promoted to those places after faithful and efficient service in minor grades, an 1 are never appointed as a reward for political services at home; that the clerkships in the customs and other services are filled by open competitive examinations; that the pay is commensurate with the duties performed, and that persons in the colonial ser vice are prohibited from engaging in business enterprises in the colonies.

One of the acts of the last The California Legislature of California Newspaper Law has caused much comment. Two sections were added to the general libel law, forming what the courts may hold to be special legislation, and hence unconstitutional, The first of these sections makes it unlawful "to put in any

newspaper, handbill, poster, book, serial publication, or supplement" the portrait or caricature of a Californian without his consent. California officeholders and criminals are left unprotected, and there is nothing to prevent the issuance of any number of cartoon-loaded pamphlets. The penalty attached is a five-hundred-dollar fine, or imprisonment of from one to six months, or both. The second section of the new law requires that every article "that tends to blacken the memory of one who is dead, or to impeach one who is living, or to expose him or her to public hatred, contempt, or ridicule," shall have the true name of the author signed. In case suit be brought, and the matter thus signed be proven libelous, the publisher shall pay a fine of $1,000, half of which goes to the plaintiff. It seems to be unlawful to make anonymous remarks about Jezebel or the Borgias. The California libel law, which is a fairly good one, has not been improved, nor has the responsibility of newspapers been increased, by these sections. They were drawn up by legislators who had long suffered from newspaper attacks, and were hastily forced through the last Legislature, whose career, according to the " Argonaut,' was one long succession of scandals." Some of the California newspapers have openly ignored these cartoon and signature sections. This is, of course, a mistake, since the best way to destroy a bad or foolish law is to obey it. The country papers and weeklies have generally attempted to follow its somewhat obscure provisions as well as they could. In some cases the editor or publisher has signed all articles; in others the person or persons who prepare an item sign it. The tendency is to make the signature as unobtrusive as possible. A distinction is made in form of type between the signatures of the regular staff and those of outside workers. The appearance is both curious and amusing. It seems likely that all the newspapers will soon return to their former habits. The first libel suit under the general law will probably include some determination of the status of the new sections. Until that time, the anti-cartoon and personalsignature clauses are apt to remain a dead letter in nearly all California newspaper offices. A test of the validity of the law is certainly desirable.

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The Dreyfus Evidence

The evidence in the Dreyfus case, as it ap pears in the columns of " Figaro," grows more interesting, and seems to be drawing the meshes closer around the General Staff. Paty de Clam, who, with his colleague Esterhazy, is under the suspicion of being a chief offender in this case, testified that last year General Gonse declared that it was absolutely essential to protect Esterhazy at any cost; and thereupon Paty de Clam proceeded to build up a fabric of lies, a course which he says secured the approval of General Boisdeffre, chief of the General Staff. Paty de Clam, like Esterhazy, defends his course on the ground that he was simply obeying orders. General Mercier, who was Minister of War at the time Dreyfus was condemned, testified that he had destroyed the secret dossier which Paty de Clam claimed to have sent him, and called upon General Gonse to corroborate his statement, forgetting, apparently, that General Gonse had already testified that, although Mercier had destroyed the original, he, Gonse, had kept a copy. Great importance has been attached by General Zurlinden, Military Governor of Paris, and other military authorities to the closing sentence of the bordereau, "I am starting for the maneuvers," as proving the guilt of Dreyfus. It is now clear, from known facts, that Dreyfus could not have written this. M. de Freycinet's resignation as Minister of War is due to the threatening storm about the Dreyfus case. His successor, M. Krantz, is a man of no great political force.

Russia and England in China

The settlement of open questions between England and France in Africa has been followed by what appears to be an equally satisfactory settlement of open questions between England and Russia in China; and when the Peace Conference meets there will probably be no shadow of a war-cloud on the horizon. By the terms of the agreement between the two Great Powers whose interests are paramount in China, England practically concedes supremacy to Russian authority in Manchuria, the entire section to the northeast of the old wall and including the Liao-Tung peninsula; agreeing to refrain from all endeavors to secure

privileges of any sort within that territory. Russia, on the other hand, agrees to the supremacy of England's authority over the great basin of the Yang-tse-Kiang, which is sometimes called the heart of the Chinese Empire-a country containing something more than 150,000,000 people, with immense resources of many kinds. According to the terms of the agreement made public by Lord Salisbury, the integrity of the Empire of China is not to be affected, and the "sphere of influence" is sharply differentiated from annexation; but while a show of respect for China's sensibilities and authority is undoubtedly to be kept up, it is difficult to see in this arrangement between the two great claimants for Chinese territory and Chinese trade anything less than an effectual partition of the Empire, Russia taking the north and England the south; a much smaller slice has been seized by Germany, and a still more unimportant section by France in the far south. This arrangement seems to leave Japan out of account, and there is now every indication that Korea, which she has long coveted, will not come into her hands. In the natural course of events the imperial power in China will grow weaker and weaker as it diminishes, while the authority of the Great Powers will steadily increase. They will be compelled to assume great responsibilities and to exercise virtual supremacy. The end of such a process is not difficult to predict, nor is it likely to be long deferred. At the moment it looks as if the much-talked-of "open door" has been closed; but everything will depend on the view of their respective interests taken by Russia and England.

Italy in China

A difference of opinion on the question of the extension of Italian power in the Far East has resulted in the resignation of the Cabinet headed by General Pelloux. Italy is still too near her disasters in Africa to desire to renew the experience which brought her such humiliation in Abyssinia. General Pelloux, the Premier, had taken steps toward the acquisition of a share in the division of China by making a demand on the Chinese Government for the cession to Italy of San Mun Bay, in the province of Che-king. When this matter came up

in the Chamber of Deputies, although the Ministers showed that during the Premiership of Señor Rudini a somewhat similar move had been contemplated, an opposition was developed which not only promised to be master of the situation, but which showed the most violent feeling. There seems to be little doubt that the Premier had reached an understanding with England in advance of the demand made on China. The location of San Mun Bay, which is close to the English sphere of influence, would seem to indicate that Italy could not have taken such an action without being assured that it would not excite the antagonism of England. At a time when nearly all the Great Powers are not only making claims upon China, but are seizing Chinese territory, it is quite natural that the Italian Government should feel itself inclined to move in this direction; but to make the move would involve the taking up of responsibilities which the country is in no condition to bear. and would postpone still further that régime of economical expenditure which is essential, not only to the prosperity of the country, but perhaps to the safety of the dynasty. King Humbert has apparently determined to pursue the policy of keeping Italy in line with the other Great Powers; and it is possible that the Government has gone so far that it would be very difficult for it to withdraw. It will be a misfortune for Italy if this policy prevails; the country needs a long period of reduction of expenditures and husbanding of resources.

The Transvaal

For several weeks those London newspapers which represent the Government's policy have been preparing their readers for some sudden new phase of the Transvaal question. The presence in England of Mr. Cecil Rhodes is not without political as well as commercial significance, but the outward and visible sign of the new phase is the reception at the Colonial Office of a petition signed by twenty-one thousand Uitlanders (Englishmen, Americans, and others dwelling in the South African Republic). The petition recites the unjust demands made by the South African (or Transvaal) Government upon British and American residents who are forced to pay