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I am sensible it may be here urged, admitting that King Charles endeavoured to bring the people of this nation under an arbitrary and despotick power, and admitting that the people justly interposed in the defence of their liberties; yet, seeing the civil war issued in the setting up fuch a power in this nation, tho' exercised by another hand, how then can the interpofition of the people be said to work our deliverance, when in the event it rather introduced or brought upon us a state of lavery?

I answer, that the long contest betwixt the king and people introduced great changes and disorders in the affairs of this kingdom; and, as some of those who were intrusted with, or who under those distractions got poffeffion of power, wickedly abused that trust, and employed that power to answer base ends to themselves, and to disappoint the design of those who had been honestly engaged in the defence of our liberties, (which consequences could not be foreseen, and therefore could not be provided against): so the convulfive and oppressive state which this nation fell under, after the civil war, made way for that more peaceful and better government which succeeded the restoration. And, if we admit what is supposed above, viz. that King Charles endeavoured to bring

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the people of this nation under an arbitrary and despotick power; if the people had not interposed as they did; then, the consequence would have been, that the nation would have been enslaved to our latest pofterity, without any prospect of a deliverance: I say, this must have been our cafe, for any grounds we could have had to hope or expect the contrary. So that, in this view of the case, the liberty we now enjoy, and which this nation hath enjoyed ever fince the restoration, is owing to the abovementioned interpofition of the people; and this I call a deliverance. And, as it would be this deliverance, and not the misfortunes of the prince, which we should be chiefly concerned to remember: so surely, a day of fafting would be most unfutable and improper for that purpose. I now argue upon a supposition, that King Charles did endeavour to bring the people of this nation under an arbitrary and despotick power; but whether this was the case or not, is befides the purpose of my present enquiry; and, as I observed above, our publick form of divine fervice supposes this not to have been the cafe.

Secondly, If the prince who by virtue of his office is the guardian of the society's happiness, and upon which account alone it is that he has those greater honours and and rewards conferred upon him, in confideration of the greater fervice and benefit he does to the society; if he should betray his trust, and attempt and endeavour to enslave and make miferable the people committed to his care; then the reason of the thing requires (because the publick good is always to be preferred) that the people should make use of all proper means to guard and fecure the common happiness. And, such a prince, our publick form of divine fervice appointed for the fifth of November, supposes King James the Second to have been, and it supposes this to have been our cafe at the late happy revolution. Which supposition, admitting it to be true, justifies the people of this nation in invit ing the then Prince of Orange over to our rescue; it justifies their joining with that prince when he was come, in order to oppose force with force if the cafe had required it; (and which afterwards was actually the cafe in Ireland;) and it justifies our governours in appointing the fifth of November as a day of publick thanksgiving, for the deliverance of our church and nation from popery and flavery, by the happy arrival of his late Majesty King William the Third.

It is not to my purpose to enquire, whether King James was that bad prince, or not, which I have described above; it being fuf

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fufficient to observe, that our publick form of divine fervice supposes him to have been such; and it is that supposition, which in reason justifies our governours in appointing the anniversary folemnity aforesaid. For, if King James was a faithful guardian of the society's happiness, by protecting and defending the persons and characters, the liberties and properties, the lives and thereby the happiness of his people; and, if he made the publick good, the rule and measure of his government: then, and in that cafe, the person and the life of King James were facred and inviolable, and all attempts made against him were crimes of the deepest dye, &c. But, our publick form of divine fervice, fupposes this not to have been the cafe.

Thus I have shewn, what that one common principle is, upon which our governours can in reason be justified in appointing the two anniversaries here referred to, the one as a day of fafting, and the other as a day of thanksgiving: what remains is for me to shew, how these two anniversary folemnities, founded on this principle, are equally and jointly conducive to regulate the political behaviour both of prince and people... And,

First, I am to shew how these folemninities serve to regulate, or rather to point out the political behaviour of the prince. And, here I beg leave to observe, that as

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the publick good ought in reason always to be preferred, and as it is this principle upon which our governours can in reason be justified, in appointing those anniversaries: fo this points out to governours how they ought to act, viz. to make the publick good the principal object of their care, and the rule and measure of their government. Not only because this is their bounden duty, and the very end of their office; but also, because this is the most effectual way and means to fecure their title to, and their quiet and peaceable enjoyment of those greater honours and rewards, which they have in confideration of such their service to the society. The anniversary for the 5th of November, likewise tends to bring to the remembrance of our princes, the unhappy miscarriage of the late King James; and this, ministers a kind caution to them, to act a wiser and a better part. These anniversary folemnities, afford a kind monition to princes, to take care above all things to gain, and secure to themselves (if poffible,) the affections and good will of their people. And, in order thereto, to be prudent and frugal as well in their publick administrations, as in their private affairs; that so, the weight and expence which government unavoidably brings along with it, may be rendered as light and easy to the people, as it conveniently can be. And, as our governours are placed

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