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"Commons, which was previously" be transmitted to Sir T. Beevor and "strong, has increased tenfold. The" his co-trustees. I would further beg "votes of the House make it evident" to suggest, that the trustees should "that no efficient relief is likely to be" advertise their readiness to undertake "afforded; but that the productive" the office, and to become responsible "classes of the nation will be left to "that the subscriptions should be re"drag on under their load, until the" turned in case the attempt were not "time arrives (to which every good" persevered in to completion. "man, and real lover of his country, "I have no hesitation in saying, that "must look forward with dread) when," if the freehold of some small borough "probably, a convulsive effort of the "could be purchased, it would be by far "sufferers will relieve them from their" the best course; and would remove one "burdens. strong objection which I have heard Believing, as I do with a perfect" raised to any attempt being made this "conviction, that the plans you have" session; viz., that in the event of a proposed for our relief, would, if" dissolution of the Parliament, all "adopted, be effectual, I shall cordially "the money would be thrown away "join in the attempt to place you" if expended in simply obtaining "where, alone, you will have any a seat. I would recommend the "chance of procuring their adoption. "absolute purchase of the freehold of a "I am one of those who owe to your" borough; to be held in trust for the "advice, if not my preservation from" purpose of securing to you a seat in ruin, at least the means of avoiding "Parliament, until such a reform had "much loss in the management of my" been obtained, as should deprive you "affairs, during the progress of those" and all others of the opportunity of "disastrous fluctuations to which all" getting into the House of Commons persons, engaged in manufactures and" by any other means than those which "trade, have been exposed. I have already" are so ably described in your letter to " acknowledged my obligations to you: the Marquis of Blandford, in the Re"I have great pleasure in repeating the "gister of the 16th July, 1829. That "acknowledgment here; and in taking" object once obtained through your "as a guide for my subscription that" instrumentality, a grateful public "sum which you state would secure "would know what to do with the "your election, if given by each of those" freehold estate. "persons who have made a similar ac"knowledgment to that which I have "just been making. I shall remit "twenty pounds to Sir Thomas Beevor

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as soon as I learn that your plans are arranged. I wish it were in my power to give more; but even this sum, "when measured by the state of my "business, is much more than I can "afford.

"With respect to the plan of raising "the money, I would, with deference

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"I am, dear Sir,
"with esteem and respect,

"your faithful and obedient servant,
"WM. BAKER, Jun."

THE

to your better judgment, beg to re-lished reports. It was delivered in the

peat the suggestion I have before made; viz., that Sir T. Beevor and "four or five others of your friends (the "higher their rank the better) should "be trustees and treasurers; and that "in each town there should be a local "committee for collecting subscrip“tions, which, when collected, should

EARL OF RADNOR'S SPEECH. I TAKE it, of course, from the pubdebate on Earl STANHOPE's motion for inquiring into the causes of the distress, which debate took place on Thursday last. I insert it, because it truly describes the state of feeling of the different classes in the agricultural part of the country; and it is from feeling that men come to action.

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The Earl of RADNOR expressed his surprise been manufactured since the conclusion of the at the speeches of the noble Viscount (Lord | war. If it could be shown that the prices had GODERICH) who had followed the noble mover, been uniformly decreasing, that argument and of the noble Duke at the head of his Ma- would be intelligible; but, on reading the jesty's Government; and his still greater statement of prices, it appeared that they surprise at the conclusions to which they had were sometimes up and sometimes down, so arrived. The noble Duke had begun his that the argument had no bearing at all upon speech in a spirit not called for by any thing the question. It was a good argument, howwhich had occurred. He had lost his temper; ever, in favour of those who wished for full and, charged the noble Earl, and the noble and correct information as to the cause of all Duke, who had spoken so ably on the ques- this. But the noble Duke also took a technition, with personality; although there was cal objection to his noble Friend's motion. nothing whatever in the speeches of the noble He objected to it, because his noble Friend bad, Earl and the noble Duke to justify the accusa- very wisely in his (Lord Radnor's) opinion, tion. As to the general tenor of the noble abstained from stating the precise object which Duke's speech, nothing could be more in fa- the committee was to have in view. The state vour of the motion, except the tenor of the of the country was a sufficient ground for the speech of the noble Viscount. The noble inquiry, and the proper remedy for that state Duke not only dropped the word "inquiry ought to be the result of the investigation. several times in the course of his speech, but But it was of all things most astonishing to actually concluded his speech by urging their hear the noble Duke argue this motion, when Lordships to investigate and inquire. No their Lordships recollected that not ten days doubt every noble Lord had inquired, and ago a member of his Majesty's Government would inquire, in his own neighbourhood. But came to the House to propose that the afthe question was, whether they should not in-fairs of the East India Company should be require in their capacity as Peers of Parliament ferred to the consideration of a Select Comas a House of Lords, for the sake of the mittee. His Majesty's Government, having no country at large. The noble Earl who made project of their own on the subject, wished to the motion did not call upon their Lordships go into a committee of their lordships to learn to inquire, in their personal and individual what was their lesson, and to ascertain what character, but he called upon Parliament to was their duty. To do that, however, was to inquire, that they might know the facts in abandon the functions of Government, and to their legislative capacity. He was astonished throw the responsibility ou Parliament-unthat the noble Duke, in his position as First doubtedly a most improper proceeding. The Lord of the Treasury, having, as it appeared, speech of the noble Viscount who spoke second a doubt on his mind whether the country in the debate was, in its tendency, most was in a state of distress, or not, did not wish favourable to his noble Friend's motion; but for an inquiry, were it only to inform him- the conclusion of it was astonishing. Indeed, self upon the subject, in order that he might the speech itself was astonishing too. On the know what measures to recommend to his first day of the session, the noble Viscount had Majesty to propose to Parliament. The noble objected to all inquiry, because it was a deluDuke ought to endeavour to ascertain whether sion to believe that any relief could be afdistress existed or not, to get clear of the doubt forded. Now he had made a speech of an by which he was agitated on the subject hour long to show, not only that it was no Sometimes the noble Duke admitted the dis-delusion, but that he had projects, ready cut tress; then again he denied it, urging the and dried, to relieve the distress. He gave increase of buildings, and that agricultural great credit to the noble Viscount for the produce, for instance timber (not frequently, means which he recommended. But why did by-the-bye, classed with agricultural pro- not the noble Viscount resort to those means duce), had not fallen in price. Now the fact when he was in office? The same taxes was that timber had fallen in price. The no- which he had that night proposed to take ble Duke said that meat had not fallen in off might have been taken off with great price. If he would look at his butcher's bills, advantage when the noble Viscount was in unless he had been greatly imposed upon, he office; and it was to be regretted that would find that meat had fallen from ten- such an alleviation of the pressure on the pence-halfpenny to seven-pence a pound. people did not at that time occur to the noble Cheese had fallen cent. per cent. Grazing Viscount. The noble Viscount said that he did cattle had fallen greatly in price, there being not like to prophesy much, because he did not no adequate sale for them in Smithfield Mar- | wish to prophesy ill; yet, surely, the noble ket. Under all these circumstances, the agri- Viscount had prophesied ill, when he said it cultural interest had a right to cry out. The was a delusion to suppose that the existing disnoble Duke's mind was really so wavering, tress could be relieved. It was true that the that their Lordships ought to inquire, for the prophecies of the noble Viscount were not alpurpose of communicating information to his ways verified by the event. Some years ago Majesty's ministers. The manufacturers, the he had declared that the prosperity of the noble Duke acknowledged, were in some dis-country was founded on a solid basis-a declatress; but he endeavoured to account for that ration which undoubtedly had been proved indistress by the statement that more goods had accurate. In the year 1824 the noble Viscount

was not for doing what every body said ought
not to have been done-he meant the mea-
sure for putting an end to rags; but, when
this measure was adopted, there were other
measures that ought also to have been adopt-
ed at the same time to prevent the conse-
quence of putting an end to the paper money.
He would not then discuss those other mea-
sures; but he thought their Lordships would
act wisely in going into a Committee to in-
quire into what measures might yet be taken.
Nobody now doubted the distress; the noble
Duke and his colleagues did not doubt the
distress; and as they had already changed
their opinions on some most important points,
he did not doubt that ere the close of the Ses-
sion they would yet see greater changes even
than before in their opinions. He could bear
witness that the distress in that part of the
country where he acted as a Magistrate was
very severe, so severe as to be indescribable.
But there was something beyond the pecu-
niary distress which demanded their Lord-
ships' attention; out of that distress there had
arisen a most acrimonious and hostile feeling
[hear, hear !]-a feeling which he was afraid
was increasing, and threatening destruction
to society [hear, hear, hear!]. Only a few
years ago there was a social intercourse
between all the different classes in the coun-
try; it extended downwards from the farmer
through the labourer, and upwards through
the landowner to the Peers, and the highest
person in the realm. At present this connec
tion was entirely destroyed, and there was
nothing but dissatisfaction. He did not blame
any man in particular, but he would assert
that this was the natural result of legislative
measures. The labourer was full of animo.

told the other House of Parliament " that the country was in a state of cheerful prosperity, with an increasing revenue, decreasing taxation, and a debt in a course of gradual and certain reduction;" and that this was all "the result of sound policy and considerate legislation." There was a great deal more poetical description of the prosperity of the country; and one part of it touched him (Lord Radnor) sensibly; he meant that in which the noble Viscount had claimed for Parliament, "the merit of having brought the country to its existing state of coutent and prosperity;" and contradicted the assertion of those who had said that it was utterly impossible for it to extricate the kingdom from the condition of distress and depression in which it had recently been placed;" and yet the other night the noble Viscount declared that it was all de lusion to suppose that any relief could be afforded to the present distress. The noble Viscount, in his speech of 1824,went on to say, "Parliament, the true source of such general happiness, may enjoy the proud, the delightful satisfaction, of looking round upon the face of a joyous country, smiling in plenty, and animated"-and then came a sublime passage which he (Lord Raduor) confessed he did not quite comprehend-" with what I hope to see-unrestricted industry, content, comfort, prosperity, and order, hand-in-hand, dispense, from the ancient portals of a Constitutional Monarchy, their inestimable blessings among a happy, united, and, let it never be forgotten, a grateful people." The next year the noble Viscount went still further, he declared "that he was of opinion that if, upon a fair review of our situation, there should appear to be nothing hollow in its foundation, artificial in its superstructure, or flimsy in its general re-sity against the farmer, both as a farmer and sult, they might safely venture to contemplate, with intuitive admiration, the harmony of its proportions, and the solidity of its basis."Now that "solidity" which the noble Viscount talked of in 1825 was precisely the paper currency which the noble Viscount had the other evening called "filthy rags."

as an overseer, because he thought the farmer was grinding him down to the lowest possible pittance. The farmer was, himself, pressed down by distress; and instead of keeping his labourers on his farm as he formerly did, whether he had always employment for them or not, he sent them away as soon as he had got his work done in the most slovenly way possible. He had lately talked a great deal

Viscount GODERICH declared that he had Dever used such an expression; although in several of the Newspapers he had seen it at-with an opulent yeoman of the Weald of Kent tributed to him.

where the distress was as great as any where, The Earl of RADNOR observed, that with and this gentleman had told him that in respect to the passages which he had quoted one parish, the name of which he (Lord Radfrom the noble Viscount's speeches in 1824 nor) did not recollect, there were no less and 1825, he had refreshed his memory by a than thirty-one single men out of employ reference to the recorded reports of those ment, which was a thing never before speeches; but he had not had an opportunity heard of. The labourers every where felt of doing so with reference to the last-men- sore that they got no more than would tioned expression. He would not positively just keep soul and body together, and more assert that the noble Viscount had used that than this they could not have, as they were expression; but unless his memory greatly paid out of the resources of others. The ir failed him he believed that he had done so.dustrious man was grieved that his situatiou The one-pound notes were the solid basis of was so bad. Then again it was the practice the prosperity of the country, on which the to send the men round to the farmers to emnoble Viscount the Chancellor of the Exche- ploy them; and the farmer being obliged to quer congratulated the country. The solid employ them whether he wanted them or not, basis of our prosperity was putting forth filthy had his feelings embittered by that circumrags. What he blamed the noble Duke for stance. The farmers were, of course, anxious

to support their situation, and they were an- This is worth volumes upon volumes of noyed by their situation. It had been well loose and indefinite representation; but stated by the noble Earl, that these states of this is the very thing that will not be

In short, the prayers are without the whole change. To repeal No change can take place any one considerable tax would blow up the whole system: so that, to pray for this is, in fact, to pray for that blowing up. Men who have valuable things, will always keep them as long as they can; those who have them, in this coun try, have the power to keep them at present; they can keep them, and they will do it to the last possible moment.

distress had frequently occurred, and every time they had occurred, they had attacked a listened to. weaker part of the Constitution; but it had all in vain. not also been remarked that every time they had occurred, attempts had been made to remedy the evil, by sending out the dirty (hear, hear) Exchequer-bills or Bank-notes, or some other species of paper money had always been issued, so that the measures taken to remedy the evil, were precisely those which they were all then deprecating. Besides the pecuniary distress then, there was also the feeling of acrimony he had alluded to, and both the pecuniary distress and the acrimony were on the increase. The landlord, too, had incumbrances; and, anxious to keep the engagements he had made, he pressed his The paper-people and little-shilling tenants; the tenants were angry, and thus people are defeated, at any rate. That feelings of ill-will went through all classes, point is settled. All men now agree, and were likely to extend and be strengthened, that poor Mr. WESTERN and his old duty to inquire. He would not refer to the re- friend LOCKE are worsted. Western medies proposed; he would only say, that was defeated, and heard his doctrines issuing bank-notes, altering the standard, or laughed at by his own county: he had changing the standard from gold to silver, all of which had been suggested, and all of which got together sensible men instead of were of that same species of tampering with calves. And, as to his coadjutor, PARthe currency which had already caused all SON CRUTWELL, he appears to be downthe evils. All our present miseries were the right mad. This has been a curious consequences of changes in the currency strife: Mr. ATTWOOD, CRUTWELL, the His noble Friend had said, that tampering with the currency was the cause of the evil; house of WESTERN and Locke (this last but he believed his noble Friend was officially is a regular firm), and Mr. TAYLOR of connected with the Government-was the Bakewell; these threatening the Duke, author at least of those confidential commu- if he did not give up the bill; and I nications of which they had heard that night.

Into these circumstrnces it was their Lordships'

when that original sin was committed. By very politely requesting him not to do tampering with the currency we had caused it. He, like a brave and wise man, as all the evils, and they never would be cured he is, listened to me; and now, if he by further tampering with the same extensive would but listen to me, and take off all and important instrument. To regulate the

currency was the highest prerogative of the the taxes, except fifteen millions a year, Crown, and he hoped that the ministers would he would silence all complaints for an support this part of the prerogative, and age at least.

maintain the metallic standard. It was that which gave the labourer security for his wages -it was that which gave the rich man a certainty that his property would be safe; and as it affected all the relations of property in the country, he trusted that never again would the currency be tampered with. The noble Lord concluded by declaring that he would give his cordial support to the motion of the noble Earl.

MEETINGS.

THERE have been held meetings in several places, each of great importance, particularly at MANCHESTER, where the petitioners pray for a reduction of taxes to the scale of 1791. This is the mark!

COBBETT-LECTURES.

I HAVE appointed to be at Bury St. Edmund's on Monday night, the 8th of March, and to lecture there on the Tuesday and Wednesday: to lecture at Norwich on the Friday and Saturday; to go thence to Bungay, thence to Eye, and thence to Ipswich, at times to be appointed when I arrive at Norwich.

Printed by William Cobbett, Johnson's-court; and published by him, at 183, Fleet street.

E

VOL. 69.-No. 11.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 13TH, 1830.

[Price 7d.

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Herald. Several lords had just presented petitions complaining of distress, and praying for a repeal of taxes. You had been pressed for an answer to these complaints and these prayers, and your answer, as reported, was as follows:

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"The Duke of WELLINGTON: My "There can be no excuse for keeping up a "Lords, I beg to assure the noble Lord, greater force now, than was kept up after" and the House will, I think, accord "the American war. If we keep up a great with what I say, that his Majesty's "force still, what shall we have gained by Government are disposed to afford "this peace? And how are we to be able "ever to go to war again; and yet, war will every information in their power on the "become necessary; for, the other powers," subject alluded to, and that they are having no longer any need of our fleets, and disposed to afford relief, the estimates "we having no more subsidies to give, will which have been brought forward in "not be very desirous of leaving us absolute masters of all the colonies and commerce" another place testify. Those estimates of the world. Yet, if this Debt and these ex- "have been considerably diminished in "penses remain, we have SEEN OUR LAST" the present session of Parliament, "WAR."-REGISTER, 16th APRIL, 1814. "If the taxes be not to be reduced to what So also were they greatly diminished compared with preceding sessions. "they were before the war; if our conquests "be to be made the pretext for keeping up "the last session, in comparison with taxes to an amount of more than about" others. My Lords, with respect to "twenty millions, this nation will be utterly" diminishing the expenditure, all that “ruined by these conquests, which, after having can say on the subject is, that every "been an excuse for ruining the people, will "be taken from us at last for want of our thing which his Majesty's Ministers having the means of defending them."-" could do to reduce the expenses, conREGISTER, 23rd April, 1814. "sistently with the safety and honour "of the country, has been done. No ex

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TO THE

DUKE OF WELLINGTON.

On the Cost of our "Conquests."

Barn-Elm Farm, 7th March, 1830.

MY LORD DUKE,

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penses exist, my Lords, that are not "absolutely necessary for maintaining the "interests and honour of the country, "extended as those interests are to all "parts of the globe. Although it is perfectly true that this is an island, and only forms a very small portion of the globe, yet the interests of the country I HAVE read with great interest your extend to all parts of the world, and speech of the 4th instant, relative to the must be maintained at the expense of impossibility of making further reduc- the country. (Hear.) There are only tions, and relative to the cost of main-" 12,000,000l. of expenditure susceptaining our conquests. These are most "tible of reduction, and within the last important matters. The fate of millions" two years, 2,000,000l. on this particuof men; the fate of an ancient common-"lar part of the expenditure, have been wealth, together with its kingly Govern-" actually saved. There are other parts ment, are involved in the questions;" of the expenditure which cannot be which questions I shall, therefore, dis-touched. I do maintain, my Lords, cuss fully before I have done with them;" that Government have done all in and, according to my usual practice," their power in reducing the expenses shall first of all insert your speech as 1« of the country. With respect to the mifind it reported in the newspapers. I 66 litary force, every thing to diminish it take this report from the Morning" had been accomplished. The number

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