Porte is at peace, not to admit any foreign vessel of war into the straits of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles. On the other part, their majesties the queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the emperor of Austria, king of Hungary and Bohemia, the king of Prussia, and the emperor of all the Russias, engage to respect that determination of the sultan, and to conform to the principle above declared.

I. His highness promises to accord to Mehemet Ali, for him and for his descendants in line direct, the administration of the pashalic of Egypt; and his highness promises, moreover, to accord to Mehemet Ali during his life, with the title of pasha of Acre, and the command of the fortress of St. Jean d'Acre, the administration of the southern part of Syria, of which the limits are designed by the following line of demarcation: This line drawn from the Cape Ras-el-Nakhora, on the shores of the Mediterranean, extending from thence directly to the mouth of the river Seisaban, northern extremity of the Tiberias, along the western coast of the said lake, following the right bank of the river Jordan and the western coast of the Dead Sea, extending from thence in a right line as far as the Red Sea, and resting on the northern point of the Gulf d'Akaber, and following the western coast of the Gulf d'Akaber and the eastern coast of the Gulf of Suez, as far as Suez. Nevertheless, the sultan in making these offers attaches to them the condition that Mehemet Ali accepts them within the space of ten days after the communication has been made to him at Alexandria, by an agent of his highness; and that at the same time Mehemet Ali deposits in the hands of that agent the necessary orders to the commanders of his forces by sea and land to retire immediately from Arabia, and all the holy cities therein situated, from the island of Candia, the district of Adana, and all the other parts of the Ottoman empire which are not comprised in the limits of Egypt, and in that of the pashalic of Acre, such as they are above designed.

II. If, within the space of ten days above fixed, Mehemet Ali does not accept the said arrangement, the sultan will then withdraw the offer of the life administration of the pashalic of Acre; but his highness will still consent to accord to Mehemet Ali, for him and his descendants in line direct, the administration of the pashalic of Egypt, provided that this offer be accepted in the space of ten days following; that is to say, in the space of twenty days, counting from the date of the communication made to him, and provided that he also deposits in the hands of the agent of the sultan the necessary instructions to his commanders, by land and by sea, to retire immediately within the limits and within the ports of the pashalic of Egypt.

III. The annual tribute to be paid the sultan by Mehemet Ali, shall be proportioned, more or less, to the territory of which the latter will obtain the administration, according as he accepts the first or the second ultimatum.

IV. It is moreover expressly understood that in the first as well as in the second ultimatum, Mehemet Ali (before the expiration of the term fixed of ten or twenty days) shall be bound to send back the Turkish fleet, with the crews and armaments, to the care of the Turkish authority, who shall be charged to receive them-the commanders of the allied squadrons assisting at this restoration (remise.) It is understood that in any case, Mehemet Ali cannot charge in account, nor deduct from the tribute payable to the sultan, the expenses of keeping up the Ottoman fleet during the time that it has remained in an Egyptian port.

V. All the treaties and all the laws of the Ottoman empire shall be applicable to Egypt and the pashalic of Acre, such as it be above designed, as well as to every other part of the Ottoman empire; but the sultan consents that on condition of the regular payment of tribute above-mentioned, Mehemet Ali and his descendants shall levy imposts in the name of the sultan, and as the delegate of his highness in the provinces of which the administration is to be to him confided. It is further understood, that on the condition of receiving the above taxes and imposts, Mehemet Ali and his descendants shall provide for all the expenses of the civil and military administration of the said provinces.

VI. The land and sea forces which the pasha of Egypt and of Acre may maintain, shall form part of the forces of the Ottoman empire, and shall always be considered as kept up for the service of the state.

VII. The present separate act shall bear the same force and value as if it were inserted word for word in the convention of this day. It shall be ratified, and the ratification exchanged at London, the same time with those of the said convention.

The ultimatum contained in this treaty was transmitted to Mohammed Ali, and received his immediate and unqualified dissent. On the 26th of August, at ten in the morning, Riphat Bey, representative of the sultan, accompanied by the consuls of the four powers, waited upon him at his palace, to inform him that the ten days had expired, and to desire his answer. They were hardly seated in his presence, when he exclaimed, "I know what you want: my answer is still the same; God will judge between us." And when the representative of the Porte endeavored to make a remark, he was interrupted by the viceroy, who told him it was useless to say any thing.

Soon afterwards, Commodore Napier, commanding the British fleet, which had been provided in the Mediterranean to aid the sultan, appeared off Beyrout, the most important seaport town in all Syria, and issued an inflammatory proclamation, calling upon the inhabitants to rise in the cause of the sultan, and assist in destroying the power of Mehemet Ali. This, however, produced little if any effect; and soon afterwards, Beyrout was bombarded, and reduced to a heap of ruins by British guns; and so entirely was it destroyed, that the American consul residing there, was compelled to procure a guide to point out to him the place of his former

residence.

By the last eastern advices, it appears that Mohammed has been formally deposed by the sultan, and that some slight skirmishing and one or two minor engagements have taken place between the troops of the allies, and those of Mohammed in Syria, in which the former were victorious; and that the forces of the latter and the Syrians had become disaffected, and were revolting against him; but as these accounts spring almost invariably from English prints and British correspondents, but little reliance can be placed upon them.

The results which may eventually flow from these combined operations against the Egyptian sovereign, it is impossible to anticipate. That the unmeasurable power linked to destroy him, cannot be resisted by his single strength, there can be but little doubt; and that France will be led to espouse his cause, is, at present, judging from the pacific tone of the French king at the opening of the chambers, highly improbable. If, then, the great nations who were parties to the quadruple treaty, send against him.

their powerful armies, this old man, who, from the dawning of manhood, has been striving to elevate Egypt to a place among the enlightened and independent kingdoms of the earth, must be driven from his possessions in Syria-from his Arabian provinces, and finally, perhaps, from the land of the pyramids; unless he dies beneath their ruins, in battling for its independence.

What a strange moral scene does this contest present! The land of the holy cities, which the armies of all Christian Europe once marched forth to wrest from the sway of the infidels, is now protected in their grasp, by the united strength of four of the most powerful and enlightened nations on the globe; and instead of supporting the authority of Mohammed Ali, who, as we have before remarked, although a Mahommedan in name, has ever suffered the free and unrestricted toleration of all religious denominations throughout his dominions, they have solemnly contracted to establish the intolerant and bigoted sway of the imperial Turk! And how is this interference by foreign powers with the internal affairs of the Ottoman empire justified? Simply by alleging their anxiety to preserve its integrity; by which is meant, the integral portions of which it is composed; and in this manner to consolidate its strength and preserve the balance of power in Europe.

The balance of power, like the balance of trade, is a subject which, being somewhat difficult to explain, and still more so to understand, admits of many interpretations; but we should feel much indebted to Lord Palmerston, if he would, from his high place, proclaim to the world by what process this balance will be maintained, or the power of the Porte increased by adding Egypt in Africa, and Syria in Asia, to its territories. In neither of these countries could the authority of the sultan be upheld without the presence of immense armies, which must inevitably tend to weaken the strength of his empire in Europe, by the withdrawal of large bodies of troops; thus destroying the very balance of power, which England, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, profess to be so desirous to maintain. Nor do we believe, that were the allied powers to force Mohammed Ali from the last league of territory he possesses, and instal the sultan as master of Egypt and Syria in his stead, that the latter could retain them without the aid of foreign armies for any length of time; and that foreign aid is sometimes dangerous, even when tendered under the mask of friendship, we need only remind the royal Turk of the fate of Poland.

Russia, Prussia, and Austria, three of the powers now so solicitous for the welfare of his empire, in 1773 divided among them more than four thousand German leagues of Polish territory. In 1793, a second partition was made, in which Russia shared more than four thousand miles, and Prussia, besides the Hanseatic cities, and Dantzic and Thom, more than one thousand miles of territory; and, in 1795, this devoted kingdom expired, by a third division among the three unholy allies, who never for a moment left their prey until all, to the very carcase, was devoured. The necessity of preserving the balance of power in Europe was then disregarded, or weighed but as a feather in the balance against the acquisition of territory and power. And enlightened England then looked quietly on and saw a Christian nation gradually disappear, until it was finally blotted from the map of Europe by imperial spoilers, without lifting her voice to defeat the unrighteous measure. But the moment the empire of an infidel is threatened, she loudly asserts the principle, that

the balance of power must be maintained, and at once sends forth her fleets and armies upon the mission. In these two cases, however, there is in one respect a wide difference. The rapacious robbers that seized Poland were powerful-Mohammed Ali is comparatively weak; and although the "Bull family" have never been wanting in bravery, yet their bellowing has usually been gentle when directed against nations more powerful than their own; while the British lion is made to roar terrifically whenever a weaker enemy is to be overcome.

There is one principle asserted by the allied powers in this national controversy, which is of vast importance to the whole world. It is the right to interfere with the internal affairs of an independent power, and to put down by armed force any attempts the people may make to shake off the government which really or nominally is extended over them.

We hold this to be unholy and tyrannical, and calculated to fasten despotic rulers upon nations which would otherwise rise up and hurl them from their thrones. Egypt and Syria are both claimed as provinces of the sultan, in neither of which is he able to maintain his supremacy; and although in the former country, at least, the people themselves, the native Egyptians, have shaken off his authority, and by their united will, universally expressed, and supported and executed by the sword, have elevated Mohammed Ali to the sovereignty, which he has enjoyed for a period of nearly forty years, the armies of four great powers unite to deprive him of it, and to place over the inhabitants a foreign despot whom they regard with hatred and detestation.

Nothing is plainer than the right of every people to change its government, which any interference of this kind utterly destroys; and whenever several powerful nations join in forcibly preventing it, or in maintaining the sway of any power over provinces it cannot control, every prospect for improvement in the condition of countries thus interfered with is at an end. The territories of all nations would be preserved entire, and their governments, no matter how destructive to the interests of the governed, would forever remain untouched: while the principle, in its legitimate bearing, would utterly annihilate the right of conquest; as we presume, the allied powers would not in one breath deny the inherent privilege of a people to revolutionize and alter their government, or change their ruler; and in the next, acknowledge the right of a foreign power to overturn their domestic institutions by force and violence.

COMMERCIAL SPECULATION.

Competition seldom fails speedily to render an adventure that might have been originally safe, extremely hazardous. If a commodity happen to be at an unusually low price in any particular market, it will rise the moment that different buyers appear; and supposing, on the other hand, that it is fetching an unusually high price, it will fall, perhaps far below the cost, as soon as supplies begin to be poured in by different merchants. Whatever, therefore, may be the success of those who originate a speculation, those who enter into it at an advanced period, are almost sure to lose.

ART. IV. THE COAL BUSINESS OF THE UNITED STATES.*

WHEN We look at the uses to which fire is applied; when we consider how much it contributes to the comfort of man, either directly by affording warmth or in preparing his food, or indirectly in the scientific or manufacturing arts; when we reflect that without this important agent, most of the mechanical arts would be useless; that steam could not be generated; that tin, lead, copper, and iron-and, indeed, nearly all the metals-would be unknown, we cannot but acknowledge that to this ethereal element civilized society is indebted for the greatest portion of its superiority over savage life.

So important is its agency upon our destiny, that, in some countries, it has been worshipped as a deity, and in the Grecian mythology its introduction among men was attributed to the daring theft of Prometheus; and so much did the sire of gods resent the conferring this vast power upon man, that the punishment of its author was destined to be eternal, and terrible, in sublime horror, above all the retributive punishments of paganism. In the early stages of society the readiest means of obtaining fuel were furnished from the forest. Wood is not only excellent as fuel, but it is easy of access, and was, of course, first resorted to. As society advanced, wood became scarce, and it was wanted for so many purposes, that it was a desirable object to provide some other substances to be used as fuel.

Even in the United States, boundless as the forest seems, there is a deficiency of wood in certain portions of the country. In the old states men are beginning to estimate trees rather as timber than fuel, and the time is rapidly passing away, in all parts of the Union, when it is deemed that the best mode of disposing of the noble trees that grace the American woods is to turn them into ashes. On the sea-coast, that time has long since past, and for many years the community has been anxiously seeking some substitute for the rapidly diminishing forest.

Such is, in fact, the natural progress of society. A dense population, except in tropical climates, cannot be supplied with fuel from the annual growth of the soil, and the mode in which a substance, containing in a concentrated form the means of producing fire, is stored away in the earth for the use of man in the advanced stages of society, affords a striking proof of the wisdom and beneficence of that Power which created this planet and its inhabitants.

Although coal is now universally used in England, it is only about two centuries since it came into general use, and it was not known at the time of the conquest. In the borough laws promulgated in 1140, privileges are granted to those who supply towns with fuel, i. e. wood, turf, and peat. No allusion is made to coal, and it is not until nearly a century afterwards, or about six hundred years ago, that any mention is made of coal as a fuel. Pius II., who visited England in the fifteenth century, speaks of it as given for fuel to the poor beggars by the monks.

In China it was, however, known much earlier; and Marco Paulo, who wrote in the thirteenth century, speaks of it as then used in the province

* A lecture delivered before the American Institute, by J. Blunt, Esq.; now first published in the Merchants' Magazine.