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relating to reduction of a prisoner's term for good conduct does not apply to such convicts as are transferred from the reformatory to the prisons.

The result is that an old offender, of previous bad character, is frequently sent to prison by the court, for a term much less than the longest time allowed by law, and, through good conduct in prison, can earn considerable commutation of his sentence; while a young man, convicted of his first offense, with good character and respectable surroundings, sent by the court to the reformatory, for imprisonment and reform, may be doomed by the managers of this institution to finish the longest term which his offense permits in the State prison, with no commutation for the most exemplary conduct.

The least that should be done for convicts transferred under the present law from the reformatory to prison is to allow them for good conduct in prison the same commutation on the remainder of the term for which they might be confined, dating from the day of their transfer, that they would be entitled to if that was the beginning of an original sentence to prison. I think the statute in relation to commutations for good conduct in prison permits this. If it does not, it ought to, and I am glad that I have the power, in any event, to rectify such wrongs, by the interposition of a special commutation.

The conduct of the six convicts above mentioned so transferred from the New York State reformatory to Auburn prison is reported by the warden of the latter institution to be good.

Making the deductions from their terms, which I believe them to have earned, all are now entitled to be discharged except two, whose terms, under the rule adopted, will respectively expire on the sixth and eighth days of the present month.

I cannot now do what I regard full justice to all these convicts, but I have determined to approximate it as nearly as possible by commuting their terms to the eighth day of March, 1884, which is probably as early as the necessary documents can be perfected and forwarded.

As to Pardons.

With respect to pardons, he has exercised a wise discretion, and he has been the first Governor since the time of Hoffman to set forth in writing his reasons to accompany the pardon. There is reason to believe that this practice, so entirely right, has given birth to the idea that he exercised this power in a most lavish manner. To state exactly the fact, and to show exactly how his record in this matter stands in comparison with his predecessors, the following table is presented: A Comparative Statement.

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The above table shows that up to the date of writing Governor Cleveland's percentage of pardons upon the applications made is less than that of any of his pred

ecessors, and the actual number less than his six predecessors, except the one who immediately preceded him.

Reasons Given.

In each case of a pardon granted, his reasons, as was remarked above, set forth in writing, have accompanied them. These have never been questioned as not being sufficient and good. Not a few have been granted for the reason that the convict had but a few days to live; others that a re-examination of the case has shown that ends of justice have been served in the term of imprisonment already undergone; others upon the ground that being improperly defended, the prisoner had been convicted of a degree of crime of which he was not guilty, and had already served the term, which is the penalty of the degrees of crime of which he was really guilty. Justice, hand in hand with humanity, have been the advisers of the Governor in the exercise of the pardoning power.

The Governor's record upon convict contract labor, and upon child contract labor, having already been presented as part of his record upon the labor question, will not be repeated here.

Charities.

Governor Cleveland has had frequent occasion to consider and discuss the important subject of charities, and has invariably exhibited a keen sensibility to the sufferings of the unfortunate, and a hearty desire to relieve their distress. In his annual message for 1884 he thus reviewed the operations of the public charities of the State of New York:

"Some attention given to the system of supervision of the charitable and reformatory institutions of the State convinces me that it might be much improved. "The State Board of Charities is vested with the power of visitation and examination, and is required to report the condition of the institutions visited, which include all the charitable and correctional institutions in the State.

"The State Commissioner in Lunacy is authorized and directed to examine into and report_annually to the Legislature the condition of the insane and idiotic in the State, and the management and conduct of the asylums and institutions for their care and treatment.

"The boards of trustees or managers of all the charitable and correctional institutions have generally the control of their business and internal management. "The superintendents hold their positions under the boards of trustees, and are supposed to devote their attention to the care of the inmates of the institution.

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The Board of Charities is composed of most estimable men and women, who receive no compensation for their services, but devote all the time to the performance of their duties that can reasonably be expected, and their labors are undeniably valuable. Their powers are advisory in their nature, and their recommendations are often unheeded.

"The powers and duties of the State Commissioner in Lunacy, so far as the institutions for the insane and idiotic are concerned, are nearly identical with those of the Board of Charities; and unfortunate questions have arisen from this condition.

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'The visitations of the Board of Charities, as well as the Commissioner in Lunacy, are necessarily infrequent, and the information they gain of the actual management of the institutions quite general and imperfect.

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The local board of trustees gratuitously perform the duties they have assumed, and, while not unfaithful, can hardly be expected to devote time very constantly to the details of management. They very naturally gain much of their information from the statements of the superintendent in charge.

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'A recent investigation by a committee of the managers of the Western House of Refuge, where delinquent boys and girls are sent for reform and instruction,

satisfied the committee that for months the by-laws and regulations of the institution relating to the punishment of inmates had been violated; that the boys there confined had been beaten, abused and assaulted in the most outrageous manner by the attendants and subordinates in charge, and the funds of the institution had not been sufficiently protected.

"It is assumed that neither the Board of Charities nor the local board of trustees had any knowledge of these things until they were exposed by the investigation; and the superintendent testifies that he was entirely ignorant of the instances of cruelty established by the testimony.

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A system which permits this condition of things is evidently defective.

The time will never come when the humane sentiment of the people will approve the cruel treatment or the neglect of the unfortunate, or even criminal, inmates of these institutions; and their usefulness depends upon giving no occasion for the growth of a suspicious and unreasoning belief that their benevolent purposes are lost or perverted. That system of management is, therefore, manifestly best which most nearly satisfies the public that it is conducted with due regard to justice and forbearance."

While he was Mayor of Buffalo his attention was drawn to the perils of children wandering through the streets by night, and he addressed the Common Council as follows:

Perils of Children.

BUFFALO, June 5, 1882.

My attention has been called, by a committee from the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, to the number of small boys and girls found upon our streets at late hours in the night.

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I have reason to believe that many of these children are allowed, and some are obliged, by their parents, to thus remain in the streets for the ostensible purpose of earning money by selling newspapers or blacking boots. In truth, however, after a certain hour in the evening, the most, if not all the money they receive, they obtain by begging or by false pretenses. In the meantime, they are subjected to worst influences, leading directly to profligacy, vagrancy and crime.

"The importance of caring for children who are uncared for by their natural guardians, or who are unmindful of parental restraint, must be apparent to all. In the future, for good or evil, their influence will be felt in the community; and certainly the attempt to prevent their swelling the criminal class is worth an effort. "It seems to me that no pretext should be permitted to excuse allowing young girls to be on the streets at improper hours, since the result must necessarily be their destruction.

The disposition of the boy (child though he be) to aid in his own support or that of others, in an honest, decent way, ought not to be discouraged. But this does not call for his being in the street at late hours, to his infinite damage morally, mentally, and physically, and to the danger of society.

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I respectfully suggest that this subject be referred to the Committee_on Ordinances and the Attorney, and that a committee from the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children be invited to co-operate with them in an effort to frame an ordinance which will remedy the evil herein considered.

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In the year 1883 the Governor found it necessary to withhold his approval from an appropriation for the Catholic Protectory, upon the ground that the expense of maintaining destitute children there was properly chargeable upon the treasury of the City of New York. This Protectory is a local institution open to children committed by the courts in New York City only. All knowing these facts agree that there is a reasonable doubt as to the propriety of other cities and counties, which have no benefit, being taxed to contribute to its support.

Some criticism upon this veto was expressed by those ignorant of the purely public considerations which influenced the Governor, who, in his appointments and personal friendships has shown his absolute freedom from all sectarian preju

dice. To such criticism a ready answer has been given by gentlemen who are officers of the Protectory, in the following letter :

“Mr. DANIEL MANNING, Chairman New York Delegation, Chicago, Ill. :

"We never doubted the sincerity of the motives which induced Governor Cleveland to withhold his signature to the appropriation to the Protectory. We thought then, and think now, that he was not actuated by any feeling of bigotry, or of hostility to Catholics or to Catholic institutions. On the contrary, Governor Cleveland is liberal in the extreme, and we are of the firm belief that he was led to withholding his approval of the appropriation solely by a sense of public duty as he viewed it. " HENRY L. HOGUET,

President of the Protectory.

"JOHN E. DEVELIN,

Legal Adviser to the Protectory."

Grover Cleveland and the Catholics.

[Fort Wayne, Ind., Sentinel.]

The Sentinel takes pleasure in laying before its readers a personal letter from the Hon. Thos. V. Welch, member of the Assembly of New York, in reply to the inquiries made by Mr. Charles A. Walter, a well-known merchant of Huntington, and president of the Young Men's Cleveland and Hendricks' club at that place. Mr. Walter is an ardent Catholic, and wrote Mr. Welch in order that he might know the truth. We ask a careful reading of it from all, Catholics and Protestants :

Mr. CHARLES A. WALTER, Huntington, Ind.:

NIAGARA FALLS, July 16, 1884.

DEAR SIR-In reply to the inquiries made in your letter of July 14, I wish to state:

1st. Grover Cleveland is not a bigot in any sense of the word. He is a fair minded man, and we, who are his neighbors, know of no instance in which he has antagonized the Catholic church.

2d. Since Grover Cleveland has been Governor I have been a member of the Legislature. I know of no official act of his that would indicate hatred on his part toward the Catholic church. On the contrary, I could mention many instances of friendly action on his part.

3d. The letter published in the Buffalo Courier of July 1, over my signature, is genuine, and I here reiterate every statement made therein.

4th. Governor Cleveland did not veto the freedom of worship" bill. The bill did not pass the Legislature, and never came before Governor Cleveland for his action.

5th. Governor Cleveland did veto an appropriation for a Catholic protectory in this State, for constitutional reasons. I voted for the appropriation referred to, but upon reading Governor Cleveland's veto message, I am convinced that he was justified in his action. The constitution of our State allows such appropriations only for State institutions. It is admitted that the institution in question is not a State institution.

Governor Cleveland is a hard-working, conscientious public officer, thoroughly independent, thoroughly Democratic and thoroughly American. As such he is justly entitled to the support of every Democrat, Catholic and non-Catholic alike. As an earnest advocate of Grover Cleveland, permit me to add that I was a delegate to the first convention of the Irish National Land League, at Buffalo, being at that time president of the branch at this place. I am a member of St. Mary's Catholic Church, and of Branch No. 1 of the Catholic Mutual Benefit Association, and I am at present the president of the Niagara Falls Catholic Total Abstinence and Literary Society.

Very sincerely yours,
THOMAS V. WELCH,

Member of Assembly, Niagara County, N. Y., 1883 and 1884.

Letter of Mr. Welch, above referred to, published July 1:

To the Editor of the Buffalo Courier:

I notice with regret that some persons in the Democratic party of the State of New York who oppose the nomination of Governor Cleveland for President, are endeavoring to create a false impression by grossly misrepresenting his position toward the Catholic Church. As a Catholic and a member of the Legislature during the last two years I cannot recall any act or any omission of Governor Cleveland that would in the slightest degree justify any such impression. On the contrary, Governor Cleveland always treated Catholics and Catholic interests precisely as he did the members of other religious bodies and their religious interests, fairly and justly, according to their merit; and I believe that to be as much as any sensible Catholic expects or desires. Having served upon the Committee of Ways and Means of the Assembly during the sessions of 1883 and 1884, and in the discharge of official duties having had frequent occasion to know that no man is more free from bigotry or more broad and comprehensive in his religious views than Governor Cleveland, I, as a sincere and practical Catholic, under the existing circumstances deem it my duty to co-religionists to make a public statement of my absolute knowledge of that fact.

NIAGARA FALLS, June 26, 1884.

THOMAS V. WELCH,
Member of Assembly, Niagara County.

To this refutation of suggested bias on the part of Governor Cleveland against any religious faith, may be here added a denial of the statement that he vetoed a bill to secure freedom of worship to inmates of charitable institutions. No such bill ever came before him, the untrue report to the contrary doubtless arising from the fact that his Republican predecessor, Governor Cornell, did veto such a bill on June 11, 1881.

Liberality of Views.

On the contrary, the liberal disposition of Governor Cleveland was shown in his approval, in 1884, for the first time by any Governor, of an item of $1,500 in the supply bill for the special employment and payment of Catholic clergy ministering to convicts in the prisons under the exclusive control of the State.

Indeed, in all cases of official action concerning charitable or religious bodies, Governor Cleveland has submitted himself to the principle which has everywhere controlled him as a public officer, and has asked: "What are my powers as the servant and agent of the whole people?" And as a public officer, he has felt unable to assent to the disposition of public moneys for any purpose not strictly public. As a private citizen, giving from his own limited means, no just or worthy charity, whatever its religious affiliation, has found him indifferent. Himself a poor boy and not a rich man, he has known and appreciates the needs of the poor. A further refutation of the charge referred to is found in Governor Cleveland's appointments of John D. Kernan, Railroad Commissioner; John A. McCall, Superintendent of the Insurance Department; James Shanahan, Superintendent of Public Works, to three leading positions in the State Government, and other prominent Irish-Americans to offices of honor.

Public Moneys to be Used only for Public Purposes.

Governor Cleveland has so rigorously, so uniformly and so openly declared the limitation upon the powers of public officers administering public funds, as to become a standing discouragement to assailants of the public treasury for private · purposes. His supporters will not be found among those who seek merely an appropriation. They will undoubtedly be repelled by the unbroken series of his public utterance.

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