why he did not go to the polls, he said, "I am too old to be beaten

A businessman refused to be interviewed because he said, "They would bomb my [business] out of existence if I even talked with you." 14

It is significant that fears of reprisal are so widespread—even if they be groundless. Whether the reprisals would be carried out or not, if prospective registrants believe they would be, the fear is a real deterrent to registration.

MISSISSIPPI

In 1950 the Negro population of some 990,000 comprised about 45 percent of the State's population.15 According to a survey made by Gov. James P. Coleman when he was the State's attorney general, some 22,000 Negroes were registered to vote in 1954, or about 4 percent of the 1950 voting-age Negroes. Governor Coleman added that only 8,000 of these paid their poll tax and were eligible to vote in 1955.16

17

Racial disparities in voting appear to be wider in Mississippi than in any other State. According to the county-by-county survey " by a University of Mississippi graduate student referred to in the preceding chapter, there were 14 Mississippi counties with a total 1950 population of about 230,000, of whom 109,000 were Negroes, where not a single Negro was registered in 1955.18 In six of these counties Negroes constituted a majority of the population in 1950. In exactly half of the State's 82 counties fewer than 1 percent of voting-age Negroes were registered; 19 in 63 counties fewer than 5 percent; in 73 counties fewer than 10 percent.20

13 Ibid.

14 Ibid.

15 Bureau of the Census, Population Bulletin, P-B 24.

16 Testimony of Gov. James P. Coleman. Hearings before Subcommittee No. 5, House Judiciary Committee, 85th Cong., 1st Sess., 1957, pp. 736-39. See also 103 Cong. Rec. 8602-03 (June 10, 1957). Gov. Coleman estimated that in the 1955 primary there were 7,000 Negro voters and 411,000 white.

17 Registration figures from James F. Barnes, "Negro Voters in Mississippi," an unpublished manuscript submitted as a master's thesis at the University of Mississippi, 1955. Hereinafter cited as "Barnes."

18 Carroll, Chickasaw, Clarke, George, Issaquena, Jefferson, Lamar, Montgomery, Noxubee, Pearl River, Tallahatchie, Tate, Walthall, Wayne; see footnote 17, supra.

19 Amite, Attala, Calhoun, Clay, Copiah, De Soto (one Negro registered out of 8,013 over age 21), Forrest, Grenada, Holmes, Humphreys, Jasper, Kemper, Marshall, Monroe, Neshoba, Panola, Rankin, Scott, Sharkey, Smith, Sunflower, Tunica, Webster, Wilkinson. Winston, Yalobusha, Yazoo. These are in addition to those listed in note 18 supra; see footnote 17 supra.

20 Barnes, see footnote 17, supra

In the survey of 13 counties conducted in the fall of 1956 by the State Times of Jackson, Miss., a leading white newspaper, 4 counties were found to have the same number of registered Negroes as found the year before by the university investigator; in 7 the number was slightly greater; in 2 it was smaller.21

In view of these statistics, of the serious allegations made about denials of the right to vote in Mississippi in congressional hearings in recent years, and of the complaints received by this Commission from seven Mississippi counties, it is particularly unfortunate that the State's racial voting figures are fragmentary and unofficial. The Commission's firsthand investigations in 8 counties demonstrated the need for the full facts on voting throughout the State.

Six 22 of the eight counties from which complaints were received had more than 50 percent Negro population in 1950.23 Commission investigators interviewed all complainants and numerous other Mississippi citizens. The following summaries were derived from those interviews and from submitted affidavits, along with 1950 census figures and 1955 registration estimates.

Bolivar County (69 percent Negro; 21,805 voting-age Negroes; 511 registered) 24

Negro residents stated that they were given application blanks by the registrar, and that they were directed to write a section of the constitution of Mississippi. Further, they were directed to write “a reasonable interpretation" of the section which they had written.25 Uniformly, the applicants were refused registration because they were advised, "Your replies won't do." 26

One Negro reported that in 1956 he received, along with other tax bills, a poll tax bill. Until 1956, he had paid poll taxes. When he presented the bills for payment at the office of the deputy sheriff, he was asked by the deputy why he wanted to pay the poll tax, and replied that he wanted to register and vote. Thereupon, he said, the deputy threw the poll tax bill into the waste basket and accepted the money for the other taxes due. The next year, he related, the same disposal of the poll tax bill was made by the same deputy, who again told him to "pay the others." In 1958 the Negro says he did not receive a poll tax bill.

Survey by The State Times of Jackson, Miss., Oct. 29-Nov. 1, 1956.

Bolivar (68.5), Claiborne (74.8), Jefferson Davis (55.5), Leflore (68.2), Sunflower (68.1), and Tallahatchie (63.7).

"Bureau of the Census, Population Bulletin, P–B 24.

2 Barnes, see footnote 17, supra.

25 Commission field notes.

2 Ibid.

Sunflower County (68 percent Negro; 18,949 voting-age Negroes; 114 registered) 27

Negro citizens stated that, when they tried to register, they were turned away. Some were told to come back because registrations were being "held up" while the legislature was "considering something." This "something" was presumably a proposed uniform policy of registration of Negroes which the Mississippi Legislature considered in early 1958.28

Tallahatchie County (64 percent Negro; 9,235 voting-age Negroes; no Negro registered) 29

Negro citizens said that the sheriff's office refused to accept poll taxes from Negroes. They expressed fear of reprisals, and were reluctant to testify at all.30

A public school principal in Charleston, Miss., was discharged after attempting to register and became a farmer.31

Leflore County (68 percent Negro; 17,893 voting-age Negroes; 297 registered) 3

32

One Negro Army veteran discharged as a technical sergeant, reported that he went to the courthouse and was asked by a female clerk what he wanted. "I want to register," he said. "To register for the Army?" she asked. When he assured her he wanted to register to vote, she told him she didn't have time because the court was meeting. She did, however, have him write his name and address on a slip of paper. Less than half an hour after his return home, two white men came to his door and asked him why he had tried to register. He replied that it was his duty. They told him that he was just trying to stir up trouble and advised him not to go back. He did return a week later, and again was told by the same clerk that she was busy. Fearful of reprisals, he stopped trying.33

Claiborne County (74 percent Negro; 4,728 voting-age Negroes; 111 registered)

33A

Negroes in sworn affidavits stated that they had been registered voters until 1957 when their names were removed from the registration books. Their efforts to re-register have been unsuccessful.

"Population figures from Bureau of Census, Population Bulletin, P-B 24. Registration figures from Barnes, see footnote 17 supra.

28 Commission field notes.

29 Same as footnote 27, supra.

30 Commission field notes.

21 Ibid.

Same as footnote 27, supra. "Commission field notes.

SSA Same as footnote 27, supra.

Jefferson Davis County (55 percent Negro; 3,923 voting-age Negroes; 1,038 registered) 33B

Most of the sworn complaints were filed by Negroes who were registered voters until 1956 when their names were removed from the registration books. Their efforts to re-register have been unsuccessful. Forrest County (29 percent Negro; 7,406 voting-age Negroes; 16 registered) 34

Forrest County, which has produced numerous voting complaints, has a relatively low Negro concentration, conspicuously high educational level, and significantly high average income level. The registrar who served for many years until his recent death was a staunch advocate of white supremacy and steadfastly refused to register Negroes.3

One Negro tried 16 times to register-twice a year for 8 years. Each time the registrar simply told him that he could not register. On the last occasion the citizen asked if there was any reason for this refusal. The registrar replied that there was no reason.36

Another citizen, a minister with two degrees from Columbia University, and a former registered voter in Lauderdale County, Miss. (1952-57) and in New York City (1945-48), attempted twice to register in Forrest County. The second time the citizen admitted he was a member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. The clerk insisted that this was a communistic organization and said that the witness was "probably one of them." "That means you are not going to register me," said the witness. "You are correct," replied the clerk."7

Others stated that they had repeatedly tried separately and in groups to register, but that the registrar absented himself to avoid seeing them. Evasive answers were given by the registrar's employees as to the whereabouts of the registrar. One witness was told to "register at the Y.M.C.A."

While waiting for the registrar to return to his office, one Negro observed two white women being registered without question by the clerk who just previously had denied that she had the authority to register applicants.

Another Negro when attempting to register was asked a variety of questions including such things as "What is meant by due process of law?" "What is class assessment of land?" The registrar was not satisfied with the answers.

23B Ibid.

34 Ibid.

35 Commission field notes.

st Ibid.

Several years ago a group of 15 Negro residents of Forrest County sought an injunction against the registrar on the ground that he had "misconstrued" section 244 of the Mississippi Constitution. This section provides that a voter shall "be able to read any section of the constitution of this state; or he shall be able to understand the same when read to him or give a reasonable interpretation thereof.” [Italic added.] The registrar was charged with applying this section rigidly against Negro applicants but ignoring it as to white applicants. A lower court dismissed the action without prejudice, but the court of appeals reversed with instruction to retain jurisdiction for a reasonable time until petitioners had exhausted their administrative remedies.38

Clarke County (41 percent Negro; 3,849 voting-age Negroes; no Negro registered) 3o

39

Virtually everyone interviewed here told how the registrar had refused to register them by saying that they should "watch the papers and see how the mess in Little Rock and the mess in Washington worked out." 40

TENNESSEE

No county-by-county racial voting statistics were available. A 1957 study by the Southern Regional Council reported that some 90,000 or about 28 percent of the Negroes were registered in 1956. This study concluded that in only three counties in west TennesseeHaywood, Fayette, and Hardman-does intimidation pose a serious threat to Negro registration and that in most of the State Negroes can register freely." A Tennessee delegate to the Commission's Conference of State Advisory Committees also reported that in three counties Negroes are not registered.

The Commission received complaints involving two of the abovenamed counties, as reported below. These happen to be the two counties in the State with Negro majorities. It also investigated a complaint that Negroes were being denied the right to register and vote in Lauderdale County. The investigation revealed that the Lauderdale charge was without foundation. Local officials gave courteous cooperation and assistance to staff representatives who examined the Lauderdale County records and found that Negroes apparently register and vote as freely as whites.43

38 Peay et al. v. Cox, Registrar, 190 F. 2d 123 (5th Cir. 1951), cert. denied, 342 U.S. 896 (1951).

30 Same as footnote 27, supra.

40 Commission field notes.

4 Margaret Price, The Negro Voter in the South, Southern Regional Council, Atlanta, 1957.

"Haywood County, Fayette County.

48 Commission field notes.