One evening, after this sad state of affairs had continued without interruption for a fortnight, I was sitting at a table reading, with my back turned to the count, when I heard a low whispering behind me; it was his voice. I listened-it was a fervent, humble prayer for peace in death, and pardon for all his sins. I let him finish his prayer undis

turbed.

"Who is there ?" asked the count, in a feeble tone.

I drew near to the bed.

"Is it you, Pastor Z. ?" he said, mildly. "Still up? It is late. I am happy now, my friend, for it will soon be day; I have had a long night. I am dying, but I hear within me a strong voice crying: Love is Faith,' and I pray, bowing myself in humility before the God of Love. I have wandered from the right path, I was misled, misfortune pursued me, and I became, through my thoughtlessness, Julia's murderer. The crushing intelligence contained in Caldero's letter shook my trust in everything, for it is a relief to a guilty soul not to believe in a Judge. But my presumptuous folly was punished, my understanding became obscured. A light has burst upon me now, and since I have prayed I feel at peace. I prayed-for many years I have neglected to do soyes, I prayed with clasped hands, as my mother used to teach me when I was an innocent child. Alas, I ought always to have prayed thus."

He ceased speaking, and leaning his head against his pillow, he looked steadfastly at me with a mild, glorified expression of countenance. I had sunk upon my knees at the side of his bed, and poured forth thanks to my God for the ray of light and hope which he had permitted to penetrate the darkened mind of the poor sufferer.

"Lord!" I entreated, "grant him light!"

"Light," he repeated, in a low whisper, "Lord! more light. God be praised! there is light!"

He closed his eyes, heaved a long sigh, and in another world he re ceived an explanation of that secret, the solution of which he had only grasped in his last hour.

He now reposes in the family vault by the side of his beloved Julia: the receptacle of the dead is full. The pieces of his shattered escutcheon lie scattered upon the floor around his coffin,* and the key of the vault will be needed no more!

At the death of the last representative of a noble family in Sweden, the escutcheon is usually broken over his coffin.

SYMONDS'S DIARY.

WE are indebted to the Camden Society for the most minute account that has yet been given to the English nation of the details of the movements of that portion of the Royalist army which was commanded by Charles himself in the campaigns of the great rebellion in 1644 and 1645. The diary of Richard Symonds, first published by that society from the original MSS. in the British Museum, furnishes us with the daily incidents of the camp; we can follow the royal progress from day to day and from town to town, and if the motives of evolutions and the strategic reasons for advance and retreat are not always quite intelligible at first sight, as would necessarily be the case from the meagre nature of the information contained in the diary of a subordinate officer in a partisan camp, we can easily supply the substance to the outline from the information that has reached us from other sources.

This narrative is peculiarly interesting as giving us a faithful picture, if but an imperfect one, of certain phases of the manners of the times, particularly with relation to those gallant amateur soldiers who cast their lot with their unhappy king. We are admitted behind the scenes of that great drama, and can perceive and criticise the mechanism which brought about the results we have already contemplated as observers of history. The rouge and the stage tricks of Charles and his adherents are laid open to us, and we can, perhaps, in some measure, comprehend the failure of the part he played in that tremendous tragedy.

The diary contains, besides circumstances of considerable political value, many a quaint anecdote that has not made its appearance in history. As Pepys has opened to our view the inner life of the times of the second Charles, so does Symonds, although with far less completeness, relate with all simplicity the details of events of the grandest importance to the history of this country, and we believe that a considerable part of what is here published has been hitherto unknown to the public.

Richard Symonds served in the troop of horse commanded by Lord Bernard Stuart; it may be presumed, from many circumstances, that he was not a soldier by profession, but one of those gentlemen forced into arms by the disturbance of the times; his party bias is shown in his relations most indubitably, for while any success of the royal arms is chronicled with the most minute particularity, a defeat or a reverse occupies but a few lines, and is almost left to be inferred by the reader. If Symonds's were the only history extant of Naseby fight, we should have but a very imperfect idea of that great contest, as will be shown hereafter. One or two successful skirmishes of the Royalists are told with an infinite parade of circumstance, and no little pride and boastfulness, while Naseby is dismissed in half a dozen lines; but even the successful encounters of his own party are as nothing to this soldier in comparison with the interior of a parish church. In respect of genealogy and heraldry this diary is a perfect mine of wealth. In the midst of the most stirring scenes, in advance or retreat, victory or disaster (but with less

gusto in the latter case), Richard Symonds never fails to give the history of the stained glass, the heraldic devices, the monuments, the tombs, the inscriptions, and the brasses of every church and country-house he could get into, together with as much of the genealogies of the persons therein represented as he could find room for it is quite astonishing, and moreover noteworthy, as throwing light on the state of discipline of the Cavalier army, that a soldier on active service, engaged in the most dangerous and deadly contest, could have found so much time at his disposal for trivialities. His labours, however, in this direction will be of real value to many an old family who may have lost some connecting link in their history; the record of many a since destroyed monument is here preserved, and the broken glass of church and manor-house, long ago swept into the dust-heap of time, is reproduced in perfect portraiture to the present generation.

It is of Symonds's passion for narrative and topography, however, that we propose to take advantage. We shall, therefore, briefly follow the leading incidents in the progress of the Royalist forces from April, 1644, "ymediately after the battayle at Alresforde," to the final ruin of the army in 1645, after the succession of disasters that followed Naseby fight, at which time the diary appropriately concludes.

Mr. Symonds informs us that "the unfortunate Battaile of Alresford (otherwise Cherington) was fought on Friday, 29th March, 1644."

On 10th April the king marched out of Oxford, reaching Marlborough on the 11th. On the 12th he "dyned at an inne in Wantage," and returned to Oxford the same night.

On 17th April the queen left Oxford on her way to Bristol and (as we learn elsewhere) to Exeter, to be ready for escape by sea if need be, and with a view to the birth of her child beyond the reach of danger.

On Thursday, 16th May, the king joined the army at the leager, near Reading, and marched the next day through Inglefield and Bradley to Compton. A rendezvous of the army took place on the downs between Reading and Wantage on Saturday, the 18th May, after which it

marched to Oxford.

On Monday, 27th May, the rebels took possession of Abingdon, and various skirmishes occurred. The king, however, leaving a party to amuse the rebels at Islip, marched to Wolvercote, and on Sunday, the 2nd June, was so far from being disconcerted by his position, that he went to Woodstock with his troope, killed 2 bucks, and supt there;" but he had reckoned without his host, for news coming at " 10 of the clocke at night" that Waller was at Newbridge, the king forthwith returned to Oxford, and “our soldiers hung lighted matches at the mill and bridge near Islip to cheate Essex, and so fairly left the place, the enemy shooting many times that night at the matches in vayne." vayne." Charles managed, apparently with much skill, to give the slip to both Waller and Essex, and, leaving a garrison in Oxford, marched by Wolvercote to Burford, and so to Morton-super-Aquas (in the marsh); thence (5th June) over the Brodway hills and Cotswold downs to Evesholme (Evesham), and to Worcester the next night, Waller following. "Pershore-bridge was pull'd downe by our forces because Waller should not follow, and forty of our men lost. The bridge fell from under them into the river."

Six regiments had been raised in Worcestershire pro rege-two of

foot, two of horse, and two of dragoons-three by Sir James Hamilton and three by Colonel Samuel Sandys of Ombersley, the latter at his own charge. Of one of the foot regiments, seven hundred strong, three hundred only were left at this time, "the rest gone for want of pay."

On Wednesday, 12th June, 1644, his majesty marched out of Worcester, and reached Bewdley. Having remained there two days, he turned on his own footsteps, and marched back to Worcester on the Saturday following.

On Sunday," after sermon in the forenoone ended in the cathedral about xii. of the clocke," his majesty left Worcester and proceeded to Brodway viâ Evesholme, thence to Stowe, and the same night to Burford, where "his majesty lay at the George Inne."

There he learned that "the rebel Essex" had followed him thus far, but had here received intelligence which caused him to proceed to the west to relieve Lyme. Waller was still following the royal army.

On Tuesday, 18th June, the army advanced to Witney, and thence on Friday, 21st, to "Woostocke playne, where the rendezvous was of foot, in all, 6000; the horse, 4, or neare 5000." That night the king lay at Sir Thomas Coghill's, at Blechingdon. The next march was by way of Bicester to Buckingham, where the "bayliffe and aldermen met the king at the townes end, and there the bayliffe made a speech to his majestie." From Buckingham the army marched on the 26th June, reaching the neighbourhood of Banbury on the 28th, where a considerable battle was fought the next day. This is the battle of Copredy Bridge, which resulted in the defeat and retreat of Waller. We extract some detail of the combat: "Whilst our troope faced them" (the enemy), "newes came about four of the clocke that Sir William Boteler, a colonel of horse, and Sir William Clerke, another, were both killed at that passe next Banbury; the first by his own trooper unfortunately, whome his comrades requited. Here was the Lord Willmot shot in the arme, and small graze on his hand." The artillery practice was not good, for, "while our troope thus faced the enemy, fourteen cannon shott was shott at us; some and most flew over us, some at last as much short-none of us hurt-but before all this, at the nearest passe we took eleven pieces of the enemye's cannon, and all there horse belonging to them. The prisoners taken severally told us that Sir William Waller was killed, but it proved a lye." Nevertheless, "at 8 of the clocke that night the enemye shott 10 or more great pieces; some of them fell neare the king."

Sunday, 30th of June, notwithstanding the success of the previous day, the enemy had not abandoned his position. "Afore nine the king went to prayers in the feild, and sermon ended;" the Cavaliers saw the enemy retreat "about xi. of the clocke," but not before they had "shott 30 peices of cannon" at a body of horse, "but did no hurt." "Nothing of moment done all this day"—“ a spy hanged."

Thirty commanders and divers officers of the enemy fell into the king's hands in this battle, whereof "one was Weemes, generall of the ordinance to Waller, a man obliged to the king for his bread and breeding—a Scott."

The army then pursued Waller to Brodway, Evesham, and Hadbury, at which latter place it is recorded, to her eternal honour, that the parson's wife was a young woman often carrying a milke-payle on her

head in the street-so far from pride." We regret that this lady's name has not been handed down to posterity.

Waller's forces being now well-nigh dissolved, the king thought he could well turn his attention to Essex in the west; he therefore began his march without delay, and proceeded from Hadbury to Brodway, and thence over the Cotswold near Sudeley to Coverley. The king "lay in a poore house," and "wee in the wett feild, without any provision; wee made this march from four of the clocke in the morning to one the next night, without any bayte or rendezvous." Hardship, however, does not abate our author's ruling passion, for immediately after this comes a flood of heraldry. "From Coverley the army marched through Dagleworth to Badmington, a faire stone house of the Lord Somerset's; on the march two foot soldiers were hanged on trees in the hedge-row, for pillaging of the country villages; the whole army marched by the bodies."

On Saturday night (July 12) two of the king's captains of horse fell out, and one (Plowman) basely ran the other through on horseback, "but fled ymediately."

On Monday his majesty reached Bath, and continued his march westward, reaching Honiton on the 25th July. Nothing important appears to have occurred on the way except a duel between Lord Peterborough and Captain Willoughby, in which Willoughby was wounded.

On the 26th Charles lay at the Earl of Bedford's house at Exeter. On the 27th his majesty visited Prince Maurice's army, seven miles nearer Plymouth: "the trayne bands of Devon were summoned, and mett the king, and came to his service (few)."

"In Devonshire," we are informed, "they call the low grounds moores onely; and in Cornwall the highest hills are moores, so called because moores are there upon the top of the hills."

The king's army marched westward, through Crediton, through which town Essex had passed a fortnight previously, and much plundering of his troops is recorded. The royal forces reached Okehampton on the 30th of July, and Lifton on the 31st, where the king slept at the parsonage. The same evening his majesty "went with Prince Maurice to view the passes of the river which divides Cornwall and Devon: two bridges pulled up"-i. e. by Essex. On the same evening they reached Launceston, which Essex had lately evacuated. About this time a message arrived from Sir Richard Grenvill, who was already in the west, to say he was 8000 strong, and desired his majesty to make haste towards him. "The king bid the fellow tell him he was coming, with all possible speed, with an army of 10,000 foot and 5000 horse, and 28 piece of cannon."

On August 1 they reached Trecarell, near Lezant, where his majesty slept at the house of Mr. Manaton; the army lay round the house in the field. This day, "a fellow that was carrying letters from Essex was taken and hanged below the rendezvous, that all the army might see him as they marched by."

Friday, 2nd August, news arrived that Essex had taken Fowey, but his principal army was at Bodmin. The king marched at four in the morning; reached Liskeard, and lay that night at Mr. Jeane's house. There 2 captaynes of Essex men were brought prisoners; one was Will