GOVERNOR WILLIAM C. COZZENS OF RHODE ISLAND.

hundred-day men, whose pay should be doubled by state bounty. No action was taken, however, the call being unnecessary. Up to this time, besides the vexed naval enlistments and those in the regular army, Maine had furnished over 53,000 men, and the Northwestern regiments, as she justly claimed, were largely made up of original Maine men. Contributions of this sort, indeed, came, of course, from all the New England

states.

New Hampshire, in the course of the war, was served by four hardy yeomen, bone of her bone. Not one of them was born to wealth or had received a liberal education. The gubernatorial terms began in June, and Governor Ichabod Goodwin, inaugurated in 1859, just held over. Like other peaceful states, New Hampshire, when the war broke out, was a Rip Van Winkle as to firearms and accoutrements. Governor Goodwin, however, could meet emergencies. For many years he had followed the seas, then had become a successful business man, railroad president, and active politician. He did not wait for the Legislature. The banks raised $680,000, and in time ten regiments were equipped, though under great difficulties. The Legislature endorsed the governor fully, and his exertions were cor

dially recognized. Till his death in 1882, he always presided, on Memorial Day, at Portsmouth. Admiral Dewey's wife was Governor Goodwin's daughter. Governor Goodwin's successor, Nathaniel S. Berry, was, like himself. born in 1796. He had been a strong Free-soiler; the opposition described him as "of the class of men who believe that 'John Brown was right.'” His election they considered a pernicious following of the example of Massachusetts in the election of Andrew. He and Governor Goodwin together forwarded some 17,000 men; and he was a signer of the general appeal of June, 1862, for the calling out of more troops. In 1863 the government assumed the whole business of recruiting in New Hampshire. Governor Berry was a patriotic, highminded man, careful and prudent, and earned the respect of the state.

In 1863 Governor Joseph A. Gilmore was inaugurated. Equally without large early educational advantages, like many other keen, successful

Americans, he had found his outlet in railroads. He had lived long in Boston, but for twenty years before the war had been active in New Hampshire business and politics. He had his own views as to methods in railroads and in war. In August, 1864, he vetoed the soldiers' voting bill, which nevertheless passed. He desired that the soldiers should vote, if they had to come home for it, but he regarded the bill as unconstitutional. The military statute of the same year was equally distasteful to him. Relations between himself and the Legislature became so strained that, upon retiring, he gave scarcely an apology for the usual valedictory address to the Legislature.

Frederic Smyth, his successor, was known as the energetic, public-spirited mayor of Manchester.

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chester owes to him the beautiful trees which adorn her streets and parks. He was in Europe when the war broke out, as agent to the International Exposition in London, where he had been made one of the jurors, and as a commissioner of the United States Agricultural Society. He was to pursue his agricultural researches on the Continent, but the bad news which reached him at Rome induced him to return, to offer all his powers to the imperilled Union. He was active in the Sanitary Fair, and was one of the commission sent Gettysburg by Governor Gilmore immediately after the battle. This cost him a severe illness. Nothing daunted, however, he went out again after the fighting in the Wilderness, and bore off many a New Hampshire man who otherwise would have died under the broiling sun on those Virginia battlefields. His nomination was enthusiastic, and he was elected by the largest majority which had been known in New Hampshire for twenty-four years. The war was over before he took his seat; but it left him plenty of work. Finances were disordered, and there were disputes between the state and the national government as to the balance of debit and

credit. Governor Smyth went to Washington about this and, instead of allowing the government $100,000, brought back a check for nearly $150,000. Reimbursement was also made by the government for outlays on the Portsmouth navy yard. Meantime, by his effective influence, the New Hampshire men were among the first mustered out.

Governor Smyth was pressed to accept a third nomination, but would not use his popularity to break through the time-honored custom of the state.

Vermont claims to have been the first to throw up Union entrenchments in Virginia, the first to assault a Confederate fortification, and the first to send a full cavalry regiment from New England. She was certainly first in proclamations calling for men, Governor Fairbanks's proclamation bearing the same date as President Lincoln's. If the militia machinery was rusty in other states, here it had dropped to pieces altogether. The governor, Erastus Fairbanks, was one of the members of the great Fairbanks house of scale-makers. He had fought his way up through hardship and discouragement. Eight years before he had served a term as governor, and had defeated his reëlection by signing a prohibition bill. With increased wealth, he had become an active Christian philanthropist.

Upon the outbreak of the war an immediate session of the Legislature was called, and the work of raising three regiments undertaken. A loan of $1,000,000 was authorized, and six additional regiments, while liberal provision was made for extra pay and the care of families. In October the famous First Vermont Brigade, the only state brigade in the army of the Potomac, was organized. After Bull Run, the Fourth and Fifth Regiments were loudly called for, whatever their condition, and after that still another regiment. This left within thirty days, and at the same time cavalry

and sharpshooters were being recruited.

In October, 1861, Governor Holbrook, who had succeeded Governor Fairbanks, announced to the Legislature that two more regiments were needed to fill the quota. These joined Butler's expedition.

Governor

The order of April, 1862, to stop recruitments was followed after the Shenandoah disasters by the demand for another infantry regiment, as Washington was threatened. In six weeks it was in camp. The circumstances following the Peninsular campaign necessitated the call of July 4, 1862, for 300,000 men. The Ninth Vermont reaped great glory from being the first regiment to pass through New York after this call. Governor Holbrook notified the secretary of war that he could raise another regiment in fifty days, which would put Vermont's quota far in excess of existing demands. He was ordered to proceed, and immediately came the August call for 300,000 more men— these for nine months. "Let no young man," said Governor Holbrook, "capable of bearing arms for his country, linger at this important period." All suitable men were ordered enrolled the next day. Another Vermont brigade was formed, although the state was now pretty well drained. After

two years Governor Holbrook retired from these unwonted military pursuits. He was a farmer, a writer upon agricultural topics, and for many years president of the Vermont Agricultural Society. During his administration, Vermont was the first to obtain United States hospitals for its soldiers on its own territory.

Governor John Gregory Smith (1863-65) was liberally educated as a lawyer and was a man of family and means. He succeeded his father as chancellor of Vermont, and he was so successful a railroad man that, after the war, he became president of the Northern Pacific Railroad. He devoted himself unflinchingly to the Union. Both in the field and

afterward in disbanding, he was unwearied in his efforts for the honor of his state and the welfare of its soldiers.

Governor William Sprague of Rhode Island was little over thirty when the war broke out. He was born wealthy, was strikingly handsome, and before the war had been a militia colonel. He offered the Rhode Island militia to President Buchanan for the defence of Washington, and in January, 1861, offered military support to the secretary of war, and then to General Scott. But the President was unalterably opposed to military measures, though General Scott was troubled enough in view of the circumstances of the approaching inauguration.

Governor Sprague, alone among the New England governors, took the field. Though forced to decline his commission as brigadier-general, he had a horse shot under him at Bull Run, and later went through the Peninsular campaign. During the battle of Williamsburg he rode to Yorktown with reports for McClellan. He would gladly have gone to join Burnside in 1862, but instead set himself to work at home so diligently that by the end of 1863 more than 16,000 troops had gone forward from Rhode Island. Two additional batteries being demanded, he proposed four. In December, 1862, he made abortive attempts to form a colored regiment. After Stonewall Jackson's raid. he received a telegram for troops at midnight, and before sunrise his measures were on foot. His answer was the Ninth Rhode Island. He resigned in March, 1863, to take his seat in the United States Senate.

William C. Cozzens earned the title of "War Governor" of Rhode Island by filling the interregnum till June, when James Y. Smith was inaugurated. Mr. Cozzens was presiIdent of the Rhode Island Senate at the time of Governor Sprague's retirement, and thus held the gubernatorial office through the term. He

had been mayor of Newport, as Governor Smith, his successor, had been mayor of Providence; the latter, like the former, had had legislative experience. The three governors of Rhode Island during the war were all active, enterprising business men, and all wealthy.

Governor Smith, an extensive manufacturer, gave both his services and his means unstintedly. Soon after his inauguration he obtained permission to raise a company, and then a regiment, of colored artillery. He more than doubled the number of troops forwarded by his predecessors. Thoroughly roused by the depredations of Confederate cruisers, he made earnest efforts to protect commerce and thus mitigate evils, felt

specially in a maritime state, but imposing hardships upon all.

As a band of brothers, the War Governors of New England stood together through the evil time. No man called aught that he had-time, money, life itself-his own. As the storm gathered fury and many quailed, not one of these men faltered. Whether approving its measures or not, each gave his unqualified support to the government. Placed in untried circumstances, they were often obliged, like Lincoln himself, to exceed regular authority. So wisely was this done, that in no case was the machinery of state seriously dislocated, and their singleness of purpose always received in the end universal recognition.

N the few hours of leisure snatched from an active business life in London, during fifteen years, it was a pleasant recre

ation to collect information concerning the history of literature for the young. This material was published in the Newbery House Magazine during the year 1889. The new era in book publishing for the young, inaugurated about the middle of the eighteenth century by John Newbery, "the philanthropic publisher of St. Paul's Churchyard," as Goldsmith has immortalized him in "The Vicar of Wakefield," was a fruitful and interesting period; and in my biography of the worthy friend of the ante-deuterogamist, entitled "A

Bookseller of the Last Century," considerable space was devoted to the discussion of his labors in that direction-labors which have been worthily continued by his successors for over a hundred years. Transplanted to Boston, the cradle of American literature as well as of its liberty, the spirit of inquiry into the old subject has not unnaturally led me to a desire to find out what part New England has played in the work of providing literature for the young people of this country. New England has certainly, in the children's department of the noble Boston public library, set an example of which she may well be proud. To the happy children of Boston the whole domain of juvenile literature is as free as the air they breathe; they can enter into it and

profit by it without let or hindrance. Henceforth no city can claim to be equipped with proper civilizing influence until it has done likewise.

And it is the proud distinction of New England that well-nigh all that is best and most popular in American literature for children has been produced by her sons and daughters. It will be sufficient to cite such names as T. B. Aldrich, Louisa Alcott, John S. C. Abbott, W. T. Adams (Oliver Optic), Jane Andrews, Hezekiah Butterworth, Lydia Maria Child, C. C. Coffin, James Abbott Goodrich, E. E. Hale, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Sarah Orne Jewett, Elijah Kellogg, H. W. Longfellow, Kirk Munroe, Laura E. (Howe) Richards, Horace E. Scudder, J. T. Trowbridge, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Eliza Orne White, Mary E. Wilkins and Charles Dudley Warner, to say nothing of a host of others.

But we must turn for a little while from the contemplation of the light and freedom which American youth now enjoy to the darkness and intellectual bondage of colonial and Revolutionary days, if we would follow the steps by which they have been brought into their present heritage.

No period in the literary hisliterary history of this country is so barren and dreary as the one hundred and sixty years which followed the landing of the Pilgrims; and inasmuch as it was not until more than a hundred years after that epoch that any special attempt was made in England to provide literature of any kind for children, the early settlers could have brought with them no knowledge of anything of the kind. Books in England were still a costly luxury; children were being taught to read by means of hornbooks and primers of a rudimentary type; a few books containing rules of good manners and guides of behavior were extant; and John Locke, writing as lately as 1691, knew of nothing "out of the ordinary road of the Psalter, the New Testament and the Bible" in the way of reading for the young folk. He rec

ommended that "Esop's Fables" or "Reynard the Fox" with pictures should be put into the child's hand when he begins to read; but although these books were among the first productions of Caxton's printing press two hundred years earlier, it was long before Locke's suggestion was carried into effect.

The men who "turned to the new world to redress the balance of the old," who crossed the sea in quest of civil and religious liberty, came not to write, but to do. The fear of God and the conduct of the colony were their chief concern; and this is reflected in such books as were published during colonial days. "They took up the pen only in the intervals of grasping the Bible, the sword or the ploughshare." It is not strange, therefore, that in the catalogue of books published before the Revolution, printed in the memoirs of Isaiah Thomas, there are not twenty titles which indicate that they were intended for children; nor that every one of the books, except the primers and the schoolbooks, is full of piety of a ghoulish sort, or of the teachings of that stern school of theology to which those men belonged who lived in the idea that they had been "ransomed by the sweat of no vulgar agony, by the blood of no earthly sacrifice," for whom "the sun had been darkened and the rocks rent, the dead had risen, and all nature had▸ shuddered at the sufferings of an expiring God." To such men doubtless we owe books like "Godly Children Their Parents' Joy," "Young People Warned: the Voice of God in the Late Terrible Throat Distemper," "A Dying Father's Legacy to an Only Child," "Young Man's Guide through the Wilderness of this World," and Cotton Mather's "Token for the Children of New England: examples of children in whom the fear of God was remarkably budding before they died, added as a supplement to Janeway's Token for Children." This last was printed in Boston in 1700, from the English book, which enjoyed high