perance is but a tolerated poor relation," in many churches rather than a leading feature of applied Christianity.

Between a century ago when no class, high or low, was ashamed of occasional drunkenness, and 1860, when it had become a shame in any class, there was distinct progress— progress not only in sentiment but in law and practice. That there has been progress since is at least debatable. The general introduction of temperance education is, no doubt, mining and sapping Alcohol's Sebastopol and so really hastening the victory, though no victorious change at present gladdens our sight.

Insurance statistics are also educating those out of school. The British Registrar General in a recent report of comparative mortality of men between twenty-five and sixty-five, with one hundred as the standard of the most healthful, places preachers at that figure, gardeners, 108, farmers, 114, innkeepers and liquor dealers, 274, employes of last named, 397. . (National Temperance Advocate, Jan., 1894.) The most important, recent lesson in temperance education is the decision in December, 1893, of the Indiana Supreme Court that "no man is at liberty to use his own property [in the case on trial, a saloon] without reference to the health, comfort or reasonable enjoyment of like public or private rights of others." This decision makes a saloon placed in the midst of residences whose value is thereby decreased, a "nuisance" that can be abated at law with recovery of damages, and so will make many saloons move. The court, however, declined to declare unconstitutional the license law by which saloons, wherever placed, may ruin manhood and boyhood. Another recent gain is an order sent out in Jan., 1894, by the Acting Adjutant-General of the United States Army to the army posts warning them not to let the "canteen (whose demoralization of soldiers The Voice had exposed) degenerate into "pernicious beer-selling places." It is to be hoped the effective attack on this liquor-selling by the national corporation to which we all belong will be continued until our soldiers are no longer required to be bar-tenders. And let us also cancel the whole partnership of the nation in the liquor traffic, of

whose profits the nation's share in the year ending June, 1893, was over one hundred and twenty-seven millions of blood money. The United States Court in South Carolina, in 1893, compelled the receiver of one of its railroads to receive liquors for transportation into as well as through the State, despite the State law, so again using national control of interstate commerce, as often before to protect attacks upon morality, but at the same time hastening the end by showing that the liquor problem is more than a "State issue" and must be settled nationally, at last. In Iowa, just when the prohibitory statute is in serious peril of repeal as well as of nullification, the Supreme Court has made a final decision that a slight clerical error, purely technical, defeats the people's will in their two-thirds vote, some years since, for constitutional prohibition, so leaving nothing at any time but the uncertain. legislature between the people and the repeal of prohibition in its statutory form.

It would seem that in Iowa and elsewhere too little attention has been given in recent years to the out-of-school education of foreign immigrants and the new generation of adult Americans in the first principles of temperance, that is, in the peril and injury of so-called moderate drinking. In this line we commend the new "photograph cure," in which the kodak is used by wife or friend to get a snap-shot" of a person intoxicated, there being left no chance for denial when the sobered victim finds his picture by his plate or on his desk the next day.

AS IN the case of drinks, so in our divorces and murders. The population has been outrun three to one in the last third of a century, and in the divorces and murders we have also outrun every other so-called Christian land. We cannot expect either murders or divorces to decrease while their chief cause, intemperance, is not decreasing. Impurity is probably not, as often supposed, the chief cause of divorce, for a majority of the divorces are sought by wives, largely on account of cruelty and desertion. So far as impurity is involved we can hardly expect much improvement when public sentiment allows the proposal to admit Utah with no

effective check upon polygamy to pass the lower house of Congress and go to the Senate, almost without a whisper of protest. As to murders it is evident that lawlessness and lynchings and labor riots are increasing in the Northern States and not decreasing in the South. Anarchy received in 1893 a gubernatorial pardon and defense in Illinois, and that governor in turn received official approval from the largest of labor federations. Anarchy, growing still faster in Europe, may prevent the greater evil of international war by making international defense against secret foes a necessity. But for this, the prospects of peace and arbitration in the presence of the vast European armaments would seem small despite the two triumphs of arbitration during the last third of a century in the Alabama and Behring Sea disputes of Great Britain and the United States.

INDUSTRIAL REFORM is in a chaotic transition. The failure of Adam Smith's political economy of selfishness, which gave us "cut-throat competition" in 1870-80 and the worse evil of soulless trusts in 1880-90, has been followed by a worse failure of partisan nationalism under the tariff pendulum which has been swinging back and forth on its two years' beat, until in a time of unparalleled conditions for commercial prosperity we have come to unparalleled commercial disaster, chiefly because business men have lost confidence, not as usual in such cases, in each other, but in a partisan control of business by politicians. The solidarity of the race is shown in the fact that almost every man's income in this country and elsewhere has been affected by bad financiering in the Argentine Republic and in Australia, both reacting upon London, the commercial heart of the world, and so upon the world, and also by the suspension of silver coinage in India, and by the partisan tariff bills of both American parties, the uncertainty more than their rates have unsettled business disastrously. What is needed manifestly is not less nationalism but more of it; a permanent non-partisan regulation of industry by some commission of commercial ability, through which North and South, capital and labor, railroads and their patrons will all be protected equi

tably, so far as protection is necessary, and protected most of all against commercial revolutions at each election. Railroad managers have generally shown themselves so destitute of commercial honor (a fact to which Judge Cooley, Charles Francis Adams and Mr. Stickney have borne witness from intimate knowledge) that the robbed and wronged public are no doubt ready for government ownership or directorship of railroads if it is coupled with civil service reform which has, as yet, rescued only forty-four thousand out of two hundred thousand offices.

Labor unions after a third of a century of costly effort to reduce hours and keep up prices by strikes and boycots have hardly done more than to prove the inefficiency of those clumsy and often lawless methods. Justice Dean of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court in January, 1894, decided that combinations, whether of employers or employés, may refuse to buy or sell goods, provided they do so for neither profit nor malice nor with force. This makes some boycots legal, but they are so un-American and inefficient that they are manifestly destined to be cast aside with the strikes that discommode the public and oftener hurt than help the strikers. The internal divisions, both of the Federation of Labor and the Knights of Labor also point to a decline of trade unionism, which will, no doubt, be succeeded by some more national and more adequate organization in which not strikers' bullets but voters' ballots will be used to right the wrongs of labor. Meantime, the chief need is a better understanding by capitalists and laborers of each other, and of that most difficult of reform problems, their relative rights and duties. To secure this we know of nothing so wise as the holding everywhere in the churches of such Christian conferences of capitalists and workmen, as Rev. Dr. Washington Gladden, of Columbus, has held with promising results. Our governors might also copy with profit the labor conference held by Emperor William a few years since at Berlin, in which the Christian ministry as well as the captains of industry and their men participated.

SABBATH REFORM is still needed, although our Waterloo

was won in the six victories achieved in the Sabbath-closing of the World's Fair. The gates were officially closed by Congress and Court and Commission and Directory, and we should not make too much of the fact that lawlessness and technicalities nullified the closing. A more serious damper of our joy in victory is the fact that many who petitioned against Sunday opening went to the Fair on Sunday trains, and our appreciation of the act of Congress is dampened by the fact that its chief committee, in January, 1894, held a meeting to discuss the tariff bill on the Sabbath day, which is more and more being used here as on the Continent, for political purposes by men of both great parties in national and state capitals. One more has been added to the decisions of the State supreme courts sustaining the constitutionality of Sabbath laws. The Maryland Court of Appeals, being the court of last resort for the State, on Jan. 23, 1894, decided that the Sabbath law of Maryland, which is one of the most strict, is not in contravention of the national constitutional amendment forbidding the union of church and state. Judge Boyd in this case remarked that a decision would have no less weight because "in accordance with divine law as well as human.” The decision itself accords with the unanimous opinion of the Supreme Court on February 29, 1892, that "this is a Christian nation." That decision and the action of Congress in closing the World's Fair on the Sabbath should logically be followed by the passage of the "Blair Sunday Rest Bill," soon to be reintroduced by ex-Senator Blair in the House of Representatives, by which all Sunday work under control of Congress, including the mails and interstate trains, is forbidden. And the Christian amendment introduced in January, 1894, by Congressman E. A. Morse, which puts a recognition of the supreme authority of the law of Christ into the preamble of the National Constitution, is also but a fitting incorporation into fundamental law of the Supreme Court decision that has just been cited.

WOMAN Suffrage has greatly enlarged its field, chiefly in the last third of a century. Woman now has, according to the Tribune Almanac, some kind of suffrage in areas at home VOL. XIII.—NO. 73 6