10. That, after careful enquiry, exemplary punishment be meted out to the guilty parties within the territory of the Hungarian Republic, and that the result of this enquiry, together with the nature and extent of such punishment, be communicated to the Government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic.

11. That the Hungarian Republic be ordered to give every satisfaction to the Czecho-Slovak Republic, the nature and method of such satisfaction being determined by the latter.

The Governments of Vienna and Budapest could easily be compelled to acquiesce in the measures required, because the question of food places them entirely at the mercy of the Allies. In any case, I venture to repeat my request and to beg the Allies to deal with this question and to protect us from our common enemies.

In closing I would just venture to draw the attention of the Allied and Associated Governments to the conclusions which may be drawn from all these events.

1. The so-called Socialist Government at Berlin is pursuing the same policy towards us as the old Imperial Government, making use of the same agents and the same methods as the former militarist Government of William II.

2. The Republic Governments at Vienna and Budapest are employing the same methods against us as the old Austro-Hungarian Government and whilst ostensibly desiring to submit themselves to the decision of the Peace Conference, are attempting to stab us in the back.

3. Up to the present we have refrained from taking any military action or reprisals against our Austrian and Magyar enemies.

I must add that the Allied and Associated Governments have requested us to supply German Austria and the Magyars of Hungary with coal and other raw materials, which we have loyally done, and in the meantime our enemies were planning a treacherous attack on us. Conditions with us are such that the population is losing all patience, and if measures of some kind are not taken to give us at any rate moral support, we shall not be able to guarantee order in our country.

Monsieur le Président, I am at present preparing a detailed report on these events, which will be addressed to all the Allied and Associated Governments. This report will contain all the documents to which I have alluded in the present Memorandum. I shall also venture to submit a copy of the said report, with the documents in question, to the Supreme War Council, but before this can be done I am taking immediate steps to inform the Council of the matter, in order that it may be aware of the facts, in the event of the CzechoSlovak Government being obliged to take energetic measures in consequence of the Austro-Hungarian conspiracy.

I have [etc.]

EDWARD BENES

Paris Peace Conf. 180.03101/57

BC-50 SWC-16

Minutes of a Meeting of the Supreme War Council Held in M. Pichon's Room at the Quai d'Orsay, Paris, March 12th, 1919, at 3 p. m.

314579-43-VOL. IV——22

Abdication and
Banishment of
the Emperor
Charles from
Austria

1. MR. LLOYD GEORGE said that a telegram had been received from the British Military Representative at Vienna to the effect that a bill would be introduced by the Austrian Government, probably during the course of the present week, providing for the abdication and banishment of the Emperor Charles. The Austrian Government, wishing to prevent any personal annoyance or danger to the Imperial Family, had apparently requested the British Mission in Vienna to grant facilities for the Emperor's journey out of Austria. The Swiss Government had expressed its readiness to allow without condition the passage of the Austrian Imperial Family through Switzerland: but it refused to grant permission to the Emperor to reside in Switzerland, unless a guarantee were given by the Allied Governments that no difficulties would hereafter be raised in regard to his extradition.

He did not know what views the Conference held on the question: but he, (Mr. Lloyd George) was inclined to think that the Swiss Government might be given a guarantee that the Allies would not desire to ask for the Emperor's extradition. In his opinion, the Emperor was not [to] be held responsible for the war. The whole responsibility rested with his uncle, Francis Joseph. Furthermore, when the Emperor Charles had ascended the throne, he had done his best, though rather clumsily, to bring about peace. In view of the present situation in Austria, he would suggest that the Swiss Government be given the desired guarantee so as to avoid the occurrence of an awful tragedy.

M. SONNINO said that he saw no objection to the thing itself. But, in his opinion, somewhat complicated issues might be raised if an attempt were made at this stage to make a distinction between this particular Monarch and the other Sovereigns who might, or might not, eventually be held responsible for the war.

M. CLEMENCEAU suggested that the question might be referred to the existing Committee dealing with the responsibilities for the war. MR. LANSING explained that the Committee on Breaches of the Laws of War, of which he was President, had not attempted to draw up a list of criminals, because the Sub-Committee, dealing with the responsibility for the war, had decided that no one could be tried under that particular head. That is to say, the Sub-Committee had come to the conclusion that the accused could not be brought before any legal tribunal, since they were only guilty of a moral responsibility.

MR. LLOYD GEORGE thought that the Committee on Breaches of the Laws of War could be asked to report whether the Emperor Charles could, in any way, be held responsible for the war. His information

went to show that the Emperor was now being treated very badly in Austria, where the situation was daily more nearly approaching that of Russia. The Empress also had been treated somewhat brutally; and since the Emperor could in no way be held responsible for the war, it would be a pity if he were murdered. For that same reason, the Austrian Government was rather anxious to get him away.

MR. BALFOUR suggested, as carrying out Mr. Lloyd George's idea, that a telegram should at once be despatched to Vienna, in the name of the Conference, stating that, as far as the Allied and Associated Governments were concerned, the Emperor should forthwith be permitted to go to Switzerland. At the same time, the Great Powers would ask the Swiss Government to receive the Emperor pending a final decision being reached on the question to be referred to the Committee on Responsibility. In that way, the Emperor would be permitted to remain in Switzerland for a few days, pending the final decision. He did not know whether the Swiss Government would accept a provisional guarantee of that nature, but he thought the proposal would meet M. Sonnino's views.

To sum up: a telegram would at once be sent to the British Military Representative at Vienna, in the name of the Great Powers, asking him to facilitate the Emperor's journey to Switzerland. At the same time, the Swiss Government would be asked to give the Emperor a temporary hospitality in Switzerland.

MR. HOUSE questioned whether that proposal would reassure the Swiss Government. He thought that the Swiss Government would require a definite guarantee that no difficulty would be raised about extradition.

MR. LANSING thought that the great difficulty lay in the fact that the Committee on Responsibilities had reached the conclusion that the late rulers of the various enemy States could not be held responsible for making the war; but they could be held liable for the violations of the customs and laws of war, which had taken place through their failure to prevent or to put a stop to such occurrences. The Committee held that the Emperor of Austria could also be made responsible for the latter acts.

M. SONNINO agreed that, owing to the danger of the situation in Austria, the Emperor should, provisionally, be put in a place of safety.

M. CLEMENCEAU enquired whether the British Government really had any positive evidence that the Swiss Government would refuse to receive the Emperor Charles without a guarantee that no difficulties of any kind would be raised about extradition. He, himself, had been informed by M. Dutasta, who had only recently visited

Berne, that the Swiss Government would be ready to receive the Emperor without any guarantee.

MR. HOUSE enquired whether the Conference could not there and then frankly state that the Emperor's extradition would not be demanded.

M. SONNINO agreed. He thought that perhaps a guarantee could be given that for two or three months the Great Powers would not ask for anything in regard to the extradition of the Emperor Charles. M. CLEMENCEAU thought that the Conference could well take that on itself.

Mr. BALFOUR agreed and said he felt quite confident that the Great Powers were not going to prosecute the Emperor Charles. He certainly could not be tried before a legal tribunal under any existing code: though an attempt might be made to set up some international court for the purpose.

(It was agreed to authorise Mr. Balfour on behalf of the five Great Powers:

(1) To telegraph to the British Mission in Vienna to grant facilities for the Austrian Imperial Family's journey out of Austria into Switzerland, and

(2) To ask the Swiss Government to give hospitality to the Imperial Family; a guarantee being given, if so required by the Swiss Government, that no difficulties would be raised.)

Air Terms of Peace

2. M. CLEMENCEAU called on General Duval to read the conditions to be imposed on the German Government in regard to Military and Maritime Aeronautics. He understood that reservations had been made by some of the Allied Officer Air Delegates in regard to certain of the conditions of the draft Convention, and he asked General Duval to call the attention of the Conference to the controversial clauses in question, when read. GENERAL DUVAL replied that the document had been unanimously accepted without reservations by any of the members of the Commission.

(General Duval then read the aerial peace terms, Article by Article, for text of which, see Annexure "A".)

MR. BALFOUR pointed out that apparently at the present time the most effective method of maintaining order was by Aeroplanes. He had read in the newspapers that the Spartacists' nests Article I. (1) (a) in Berlin had been attacked and put out of action by Aeroplanes.

GENERAL DUVAL agreed that order could obviously be maintained by using Aeroplanes; but he had no information in regard to their use in Berlin.

MR. BALFOUR said that he did not wish to press the matter further.