that the Turkish population has at least sustained equally heavy losses, the Armenians are still in the majority after the war, as they were before it. But this majority will be still greater when the Armenian Republic of the Caucasus is united to Turkish Armenia to form one State, as both the Armenians of the Caucasus and those of Turkey ardently desire. M. Abrounian [Aharonian] has just laid the case before you and I support all he has said. I cannot overstress the point that this is a matter of the greatest importance for the Armenians, because the two groups of Armenians are interdependent. The Caucasian Armenians are more numerous than the Turkish Armenians. The latter, however, are more favourably situated as regards fertile land. As has already been said (and it is perhaps unnecessary to repeat it) there are bonds of race, blood, religion and language between the two groups. We are, in fact, brothers. The Armenians in the Caucasus have established themselves in that country to escape from Turkey. They have now only one desire, to return to their native land. During the massacres before the war it was due to the Caucasian Armenians that the Russian and Allied Governments were asked in 1915 and 1914 to approach Turkey in favour of the Turkish Armenians. I wish now to say a few words with regard to the position of the Armenians in the East and in the Ottoman Empire. I shall demonstrate by a few facts that they are quite capable of governing themselves when the time comes for them to set up an independent State. Just to give some idea of the economic activity of the Armenian element in Turkish Armenia, I will quote some figures, taken from pre-war commercial and industrial statistics of the Vilayet of Sivas, which I have produced at previous negotiations in Paris in 1912 and 1913. The Vilayet of Sivas is the least Armenian of the six Vilayets, but if you look at the figures relating to imports you will see that out of 166 wholesale merchants, 141 were Armenians and only 13 were Turks. In the export trade there were 127 Armenian merchants and 23 Turks. Out of 37 bankers and capitalists, 32 were Armenians and 5 only were Turks. It appears, furthermore, according to the book recently published by M. Leipzius, that out of a total population of 20,000,000 inhabitants, of whom 2,000,000 were Armenians, the latter held some 80 to 90 percent of the commerce in their own hands. M. Leipzius, after his enquiry at Constantinople in regard to the Massacres, stated that the result would be very detrimental financially to Germany and Austria, because, all commerce being in the hands of the massacred Armenians, the Germans and Austrians would be unable to recover their debts. 314579-43-VOL. IV-11 I will quote a passage from a book by Dr. Rohrbach, a well-known pan-Germanist, who desired to see Germany annex Armenia, and this will give you an idea of the German opinion on the Armenians before the war:— "In present-day Turkey, reduced almost entirely to its Asiatic possessions, the Armenians carry much more weight than their numbers would seem to warrant. Owing to their high intellectual and commercial standards, they are without doubt the most active people among Eastern nations. In fact it might be said that they constitute the only people in those regions who are imbued with what might be called national qualities. The Armenian has that energy and tenacity of purpose which are quite contrary to the usually accepted attributes of the Eastern character". That is the opinion of a German, and it is simply because the writer is a German that I have made the quotation. It remains for me to address you on Armenian policy, claims and aspirations. I have already told you what is meant by the Armenian State from a geographical standpoint. I must now point out that, from the political point of view, our programme has not varied in any way as far as the national delegation is concerned. This programme, which I have already had the honour to explain to the Great Allied Powers, may be summed up in three points: 1. Liberation from the Turkish yoke. 2. It is not sufficient to liberate the Armenian people who have been in bondage. As they will now find themselves in an inferior position I asked for the joint protection of the Powers. I have not asked for joint rulership, to which I already knew the meeting would be opposed. There had already been unfortunate examples of condominium, and I know that the meeting would not feel disposed to make one more example. As an Egyptian, I know exactly what it means. By joint protection of the Powers I mean that kind of protection which would prevent aggression from outside, and not an intermeddling with internal political and administrative affairs. 3. From the first I have also asked that the Great Protecting Powers should give a mandate to one or other of them to administer and organise Armenia. That is the programme we adopted in 1915. We modified it when the idea of a League of Nations was formulated by President Wilson, and we adapted our programme to the new ideas. The first point of our programme is now realised, since we are freed from the Turkish yoke. The two other points are realised also, if the newspaper reports are correct, since the Peace Conference has already decided to place the peoples oppressed by the Turks under the protection of the League of Nations with a Power as mandatory. We therefore have the firm hope of seeing our aspirations realised. We need only entrust ourselves to the sense of justice of the Peace Conference, and we have no doubt but that the Conference will approve the programme of our national claims. The Powers now know and can trust the Armenians, whose national feelings, vitality and warlike valour have been strikingly revealed in the course of the war. The Powers can rest assured that, with the qualifications all now recognised, the Armenians, under a régime of peace, justice and liberty, and under the tutelage of the League of Nations, will soon form a flourishing and prosperous State, and will be one of the most powerful factors of peace and civilisation in the East." M. PICHON thanked the Armenian Representatives, and the Armenian Delegation withdrew. (5) On M. Pichon's proposal, it was decided that the following questions should be discussed at the next Meeting to be held on Thursday, February 27th, at 3.0 p.m.: Agenda of Next 1.-Proposal by Mr. House for a Commission to deal with delimitation of frontiers. 2. The Zionist question. (The Meeting adjourned to Thursday, February 27th, at 3.0 p.m.) VILLA MAJESTIC, PARIS, 27th February, 1919. Annexure "A" Report on the Creation of a Neutral Zone Between Hungarians and Rumanians in Transylvania The Military Representatives of the Supreme War Council after taking cognisance of the decision reached by the Prime Ministers of the Allied and Associated Powers at their meeting on the 21st February, 1919, concerning the delimitation of a neutral zone in Transylvania between Hungarians and Rumanians; After hearing in succession The Rumanian General Coanda on the general conditions, historical, moral, political and ethnographical relating to these questions; The Rumanian Colonel Dimitresco on the strategical conditions required to place the Rumanian armies in a position to defend themselves against all eventual aggression by Hungarian troops; Dr. Vaida, Rumanian Minister, on the general internal condition of Transylvania; General Henrys, Commander-in-Chief of the French Army of the Orient; General Charpy, Chief of Staff of the General Commandingin-Chief the Allied Armies in the East, on the possibility of the occupation by these Armies of the neutral zone to be defined; Agree: On the principle that the proposals which they submit to the Conference of the Prime Ministers relate only to provisional measures of occupation, without prejudice in any manner to the final attribution of the occupied regions. The Military Representatives further consider: That the advance of Rumanian troops to contact with Hungarian troops may have the consequence, among others, of causing serious conflicts between them; That it is desirable to take all measures to avert such conflict as would impede the work of the Peace Conference and create between the peoples destined in the future to live side by side profound causes of hostility likely to disturb the peace. The Military Representatives therefore conclude: That it is desirable to create in Transylvania between Hungarians and Rumanians a neutral zone free from all Hungarian and Rumanian troops, the important points in which should be occupied by Allied troops (approximately 2 infantry battalions with some squadrons or 1 regiment of cavalry) with the mission of maintaining order and tranquility in this zone, with the assistance, if necessary, of Inter-Allied Commissions whose function it will more particularly be to control the various administrative offices, the administration of the territories continuing to be carried out in accordance with the conditions fixed by the Armistice. They propose that the zone should be defined as follows: Eastern or Rumanian Limit: The main road from Arad to Nagyszalonta thence the railway Grosswardein (Nagy Varad)-Nagy Karoly, Szatmar Nemeti. All localities mentioned to be excluded from military occupation by the Rumanians but, together with the railway, to be available for the use of the Rumanian troops and inhabitants, under Allied control, for economic purposes. Northern Limit: The River Szimos. Western or Hungarian Limit: A line leaving the Theiss 5 Km. North West of Vasaros-Nameny passing then 5 Km. to the West of Debreczen to 3 Km. West of Deva-Vanya, and continuing to the West of Gyoma, 5 Km. West of Oroshaza, Hotmezo-Vasarhely and Szegedin, then rejoining the Southern frontier to the South of Szegedin. Southern Limit: The line of the River Maros, Arad and Szeged being occupied by Allied troops to the exclusion of both Rumanian and Hungarian troops. Military Representative, Gnl. BELIN Military Representative, Major-General, Military Representative, Military Representative, |