admission of Germans into Morocco, as also concerning mining disputes and the Moroccan State Bank. These clauses shall be defensive in character. Germany, who had no interests in Northern Africa, merely entered these regions in order to hinder France in her work of civilisation; she must therefore be kept at a distance until the said work is so advanced that it cannot be checked or hindered by any malevolent influence. Germany's Allies, like herself, must renounce all advantages which have accrued to them under treaties dictated by Germany, and must recognise all conditions resulting from the French Protectorate in Morocco. There is no reason, however, why the said defensive clauses should apply to them, for they have not played the same part as Germany in the past and do not, like Germany, threaten to hinder France in her future schemes for civilisation. As regards the other signatory Powers of the Treaty of Algeciras, whether Allies of France, Associates or Neutrals, they cannot refuse to recognise the injustice of maintaining a state of affairs created through the malevolent intervention of Germany. They have all either already renounced the system of capitulations as regards Morocco, or are prepared to do so. It would be unjustifiable for them to take advantage of the Treaty of Algeciras. They will most decidedly follow the example of Great Britain, who has already declared herself ready to adopt the point of view of the French Government; for the British Government merely asks for a return to the Franco-British Agreements of 1904, which guaranteed to British nationals in Morocco all privileges compatible with the French Protectorate. The French Government is pursuing no selfish aims with regard to Morocco; in guiding that country along the path of progress, it merely wishes to reserve therein some compensation of French sacrifices, but is far from desiring in any way to close this country to foreigners and claim monopoly thereof. The regime of the open door will prevail in Morocco, for France has not made this country accessible with the intention of closing it to those who desire to work therein on an equal footing with the French. The repeal of the Treaty of Algeciras would, therefore, in no way prejudice the Allied or Neutral Powers. But the Treaty of Algeciras concerned the whole of Morocco; its abrogation would be felt not only in the French zone of the Shereefan Empire, but also in the Spanish zone and that of Tangiers. As regards the Spanish zone, it is evident from the declarations made to the Cortes by the Spanish Government, that it intends to cause that zone to benefit by the cancellation of the conditions imposed by the Treaty of Algeciras. Does the Spanish Government also wish to renounce the rights admitted, by the Franco-Spanish Treaty of 27th November, 1912, to belong to it in its zone of in fluence? Will it listen to the protests of the Sultan of Morocco, who complains, in the name of the guiding principles of the League of Nations, that the national integrity of the Shereefan Empire has been assailed, by releasing certain portions of that Empire from his authority? Those are questions which do not come before the Peace Conference and only concern France and Spain, by whom they might, if necessary, be settled by amicable negotiation. It is otherwise in Tangiers. The abolition of the Treaty of Algeciras would alter the present situation in Tangiers. France demands that the new position created in that town by the abolition of the regulations prescribed at Algeciras should be recognised by the Powers who were parties to that Treaty. The maintenance of the present situation in Tangiers would, moreover, enable Germany to return to Morocco and resume the policy which she pursued there for ten years, greatly to the peril of the peace of Europe. What is the present position of Tangiers, in point of law and of fact? In point of law, the Franco-Moroccan Treaty of 30th March, 1912, which established the French Protectorate over the whole of Morocco, and the Franco-Spanish Treaty of 27th November, 1912, which delimited the Spanish zone of influence in Morocco within the French Protectorate, both made a special reservation regarding the Statute of Tangiers. The town of Tangiers and its suburbs were to be given a separate constitution, the form of which was to be determined subsequently, by reason of the presence of the various International Commissions created or maintained under the Treaty of Algeciras. The draft of an International Statute, prepared for Tangiers in 1914 by the French and British Governments, remained a dead letter, as the Spanish Government neglected to adopt it. In point of fact, no stable administration can be established in Morocco by any Protecting Power which does not dispose freely of Tangiers. It is the cld diplomatic capital of Morocco, it is the gate which opens Morocco to Europe. To refuse Tangiers to France, who has charge of Morocco, would be to refuse her the key to the house in which she lives. Now, up to the present Tangiers has remained in the same condition as that of the whole of Morocco before the Protectorate Treaty. It is a veritable diplomatic Tower of Babel, in which no one governs, where every kind of intrigue is fostered, where the administration is anarchical and every ancient abuse is perpetrated under cover of the capitulations and the Treaty of Algeciras. This state of things could not endure without great danger to Tangiers, Morocco, France, and Europe generally. For these reasons, de jure and de facto, France asks her Allies, in so far as they are severally concerned, to recognise that, after the abolition of the Treaty of Algeciras (which imposed upon Morocco an internationalisation directed against France), Tangiers can no longer be subject to international administration. Tangiers, which in point of law forms part of France's Protectorate, must be, in fact, annexed to the French zone. France, moreover, desires nothing more than to seek to institute the special administration provided for in the FrancoSpanish Treaty, an administration which would be in no wise international, but would give satisfaction to all rightful interests existing in the town. To sum up, it is indispensable to France that the Treaty of Peace should provide for the cancellation of all international guarantees (Hypothèques?) now burdening Morocco by the action of Germany; to this intent, various clauses must be inserted into the Treaty after having been considered and drafted by a Special Commission, which the Supreme Council of the Allies is asked to constitute at the earliest possible moment from among the delegates of those Allied Powers who were signatories of the Treaty of Algeciras. Paris Peace Conf. 180.03101/47 BC-40 Secretary's Notes of a Conversation Held in M. Pichon's Room at the Quai d'Orsay, Paris, on Wednesday, 26 February, 1919, at 3 p.m. (1) M. PICHON said that before beginning the Agenda Mr. Balfour wished to make a proposal. Frontier Between MR. BALFOUR said that the matter to which he wished to draw attention was one of some importance. The Conference was anxious to make all possible arrangements for completing a speedy Preliminary Peace with Germany. One of the matters requiring settlement was the frontier between Germany and Poland. He had supposed that a Committee was dealing with this matter, but on enquiry he had found that he was mistaken. He therefore suggested, either that a Committee should be employed to investigate this question, or that it should be added to the labours of an existing Committee. For instance, that dealing with Polish affairs. If this were accepted M. Jules Cambon would be the President. He then read the following draft terms of reference to the Paris Commission on Polish Affairs: "It is agreed That the question of the boundaries of the Polish State shall be referred for examination and report by the Committee set up by the Preliminary Peace Conference in Paris for the consideration of Polish affairs. The Committee is instructed to report on the boundary between Poland and Germany not later than March 8th." M. PICHON asked whether Baron Sonnino agreed. BARON SONNINO pointed out that the frontiers of Germany in general had not been handed over for discussion to any Commission. 314579-43-VOL. IV-10 |