England, some doubts as to his divin-
ity; tho' it is a question I do not dog-
matize upon, having never studied it,
and think it needless to busy myself
with it now, when I expect soon an
opportunity of knowing the truth with
less trouble. I see no harm, however, in
its being believed, if that belief has
the good consequence, as it probably
has, of making his doctrines more re- 10
spected and better observed; especially
as I do not perceive that the Supreme
takes it amiss, by distinguishing the
unbelievers in his government of the
world with any peculiar marks of his
displeasure.

I shall only add, respecting myself,
that, having experienced the goodness
of that being in conducting me pros-
perously thro' a long life, I have no 20
doubt of its continuance in the next,
though without the smallest conceit of
meriting such goodness. My senti-
ments on this head you will see in the
copy of an old letter enclosed, which
I wrote in answer to one from a zealous
religionist, whom I had relieved in a
paralytic case by electricity, and who,
being afraid I should grow proud upon
it, sent me his serious though rather 30
impertinent caution. I send you also
the copy of another letter, which will
shew something of my disposition re-
lating to religion. With great and sin-
cere esteem and affection, I am,

Your obliged old friend and most obedient humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. Had not your college some pres- 40
ent of books from the King of France?
Please to let me know, if you had an
expectation given you of more, and
the nature of that expectation. I have
a reason for the enquiry.

I confide that you will not expose me
to criticism and censure by publishing
any part of this communication to you.
I have ever let others enjoy their re-
ligious sentiments, without reflecting 50
on them for those that appeared to me
unsupportable and even absurd. All
sects here, and we have a great variety,
have experienced my good will in as-

sisting them with subscriptions for building their new places of worship; and as I have never opposed any of their doctrines, I hope to go out of the world in peace with them all.

JOHN DICKINSON (1732-1808) LETTERS FROM A FARMER IN PENNSYLVANIA

LETTER I

MY DEAR COUNTRYMEN,

I am a Farmer, settled, after a variety of fortunes, near the banks of the river Delaware, in the province of Pennsylvania. I received a liberal education, and have been engaged in the busy scenes of life; but am now convinced that a man may be as happy without bustle, as with it. My farm is small; my servants are few, and good; I have a little money at interest; I wish for no more; my employment in my own affairs is easy; and with a contented grateful mind, undisturbed by worldly hopes or fears relating to myself, I am completing the number of days allotted to me by divine goodness.

Being generally master of my time, I spend a good deal of it in a library, which I think the most valuable part of my small estate; and being acquainted with two or three gentlemen of abilities and learning, who honor me with their friendship, I have acquired, I believe, a greater knowledge in history, and the laws and constitution of my country, than is generally attained by men of my class, many of them not being so fortunate as I have been in the opportunities of getting information.

From my infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Enquiry and experience have since confirmed my reverence for the lessons then given me, by convincing me more fully of their truth and excellence. Benevolence towards mankind excites wishes for their welfare, and such wishes endear the means of fulfilling them. These can be found in liberty only, and therefore her sacred cause ought to be es

poused by every man, on every occa-
sion, to the utmost of his power. As a
charitable but poor person does not
withhold his mite, because he cannot
relieve all the distresses of the miser-
able, so should not any honest man
suppress his sentiments concerning
freedom, however small their influence
is likely to be. Perhaps he "may touch
some wheel" that will have an effect 10
greater than he could reasonably ex-
pect.

These being my sentiments, I am
encouraged to offer to you, my country-
men, my thoughts on some late trans-
actions, that appear to me to be of the
utmost importance to you. Conscious
of my own defects, I have waited some
time, in expectation of seeing the sub-
ject treated by persons much better 20
qualified for the task; but being therein
disappointed, and apprehensive that
longer delays will be injurious, I ven-
ture at length to request the attention
of the public, praying that these lines
may be read with the same zeal for the
happiness of British America, with
which they were wrote.

With a good deal of surprise I have observed that little notice has been 30 taken of an act of parliament, as injurious in its principle to the liberties of these colonies, as the Stamp-Act was: I mean the act for suspending the legislation of New-York.

The assembly of that government complied with a former act of parliament, requiring certain provisions to be made for the troops in America, in every particular, I think, except the ar- 40 ticles of salt, pepper and vinegar. In my opinion they acted imprudently, considering all circumstances, in not complying so far as would have given satisfaction, as several colonies did. But my dislike of their conduct in that instance, has not blinded me so much, that I cannot plainly perceive that they have been punished in a manner pernicious to American freedom, and justly 50 alarming to all the colonies.

If the British parliament has a legal authority to issue an order that we shall furnish a single article for the

troops here, and to compel obedience to that order, they have the same right to issue an order for us to supply those troops with arms, cloaths, and every necessary; and to compel obedience to that order also; in short, to lay any burthens they please upon us. What is this but taxing us at a certain sum, and leaving to us only the manner of raising it? How is this mode more tolerable than the Stamp-Act? Would that act have appeared more pleasing to Americans, if being ordered thereby to raise the sum total of the taxes, the mighty privilege had been left to them of saying how much should be paid for an instrument of writing on paper, and how much for another on parchment?

An act of parliament commanding us to do a certain thing, if it has any validity, is a tax upon us for the expence that accrues in complying with it; and for this reason, I believe, every colony on the continent, that chose to give a mark of their respect for Great-Britain, in complying with the act relating to the troops, cautiously avoided the mention of that act, lest their conduct should be attributed to its supposed obligation.

The matter being thus stated, the assembly of New-York either had, or had not, a right to refuse submission to that act. If they had, and I imagine no American will say they had not, then the parliament had no right to compel them to execute it. If they had not this right, they had no right to punish them for not executing it; and therefore no right to suspend their legislation, which is a punishment. In fact, if the people of New-York cannot be legally taxed but by their own representatives, they cannot be legally deprived of the privilege of legislation, only for insisting on that exclusive privilege of taxation. If they may be legally deprived in such a case, of the privilege of legislation, why may they not, with equal reason, be deprived of every other privilege? Or why may not every colony be treated in the same manner, when any of them shall dare to deny their assent to any impositions, that shall be di

rected? Or what signifies the repeal of the Stamp-Act, if these colonies are to lose their other privileges, by not tamely surrendering that of taxation?

There is one consideration arising from this suspension, which is not generally attended to, but shews its importance very clearly. It was not necessary that this suspension should be caused by an act of parliament. The 10 crown might have restrained the governor of New-York even from calling the assembly together, by its prerogative in the royal governments. This step, I suppose, would have been taken, if the conduct of the assembly of NewYork had been regarded as an act of disobedience to the crown alone; but it is regarded as an act of "disobedience to the authority of the British legisla- 20 ture." This gives the suspension a consequence vastly more affecting. It is a parliamentary assertion of the supreme authority of the British legislature over these colonies, in the point of taxation, and is intended to compel New-York into a submission to that authority. It seems therefore to me as much a violation of the liberties of the people of that province, and consequently of all these colonies, as if the parliament had sent a number of regiments to be quartered upon them till they should comply. For it is evident that the suspension is meant as a compulsion; and the method of compelling is totally indifferent. It is indeed probable, that the sight of red coats, and the hearing of drums, would have been most alarming; because people are generally more 40 influenced by their eyes and ears than by their reason. But whoever seriously considers the matter, must perceive that a dreadful stroke is aimed at the liberty of these colonies. I say, of these colonies; for the cause of one is the cause of all. If the parliament may lawfully deprive New-York of any of her rights, it may deprive any, or all the other colonies of their rights; and 50 nothing can possibly so much encourage such attempts, as a mutual inattention to the interests of each other. To divide, and thus to destroy, is the

first political maxim in attacking those who are powerful by their union. He certainly is not a wise man, who folds his arms, and reposes himself at home, viewing with unconcern the flames that have invaded his neighbour's house, without using any endeavours to extinguish them. When Mr. Hampden's ship money cause, for three shillings and four-pence, was tried, all the people of England, with anxious expectation, interested themselves in the important decision; and when the slightest point, touching the freedom of one colony, is agitated, I earnestly wish that all the rest may, with equal ardor, support their sister. Very much may be said on this subject; but I hope more at present is unnecessary.

With concern I have observed, that two assemblies of this province have sat and adjourned, without taking any notice of this act. It may perhaps be asked, what would have been proper for them to do? I am by no means fond of inflammatory measures; I detest them. I should be sorry that any thing should be done which might justly displease our sovereign or our 30 mother country. But a firm, modest exertion of a free spirit should never be wanting on public occasions. It appears to me that it would have been sufficient for the assembly to have ordered our agents to represent to the King's ministers their sense of the suspending act, and to pray for its repeal. Thus we should have borne our testimony against it; and might therefore reasonably expect that, on a like occasion, we might receive the same assistance from the other colonies.

Concordia res parvæ crescunt.
Small things grow great by concord.
A FARMER.

LETTER III

BELOVED COUNTRYMEN:

I rejoice to find that my two former letters to you have been generally received with so much favour by such of

you whose sentiments I have had an
opportunity of knowing. Could you
look into my heart, you would in-
stantly perceive an ardent affection for
your persons, a zealous attachment to
your interests, a lively resentment of
every insult and injury offered to your
honour or happiness, and an inflexible
resolution to assert your rights to the
utmost of my weak power, to be the 10
only motives that have engaged me to
address you.
I am no further con-
cerned in anything effecting America
than any one of you; and when Liberty
leaves it, I can quit it much more con-
veniently than most of you. But while
Divine Providence, that gave me ex-
istence in a land of freedom, permits
my head to think, my lips to speak, and
my hand to move, I shall so highly and 20
gratefully value the blessing received,
as to take care that my silence and in-
activity shall not give my implied as-
sent to any act degrading my brethren
and myself from the birthright where-
with heaven itself "hath made us free."
Sorry I am to learn that there are
some few persons shake their heads
with solemn motion, and pretend to
wonder what can be the meaning of 30
these letters. "Great Britain, they
say, "is too powerful to contend with;
she is determined to oppress us; it is
in vain to speak of right on one side,
when there is power on the other; when
we are strong enough to resist, we shall
attempt it; but now we are not strong
enough, and therefore we had better be
quiet; it signifies nothing to convince.
us that our rights are invaded, when 40
we cannot defend them; and if we
should get into riots and tumults about
the late act, it will only bring down
heavier displeasure upon us."

What can such men design? What do their grave observations amount to, but this "that these colonies, totally regardless of their liberties, should commit them, with humble resignation, to chance, time, and the tender 50 mercies of ministers.

Are these men ignorant that usurpations, which might have been successfully opposed at first, acquire strength

by continuance, and thus become irresistible? Do they condemn the conduct of these colonies concerning the Stamp-Act? Or have they forgot its successful issue? Ought the colonies at that time, instead of acting as they did, to have trusted for relief to the fortuitous events of futurity? If it is needless "to speak of rights" now, it was as needless then. If the behaviour of the colonies was prudent and glorious then, and successful too, it will be equally prudent and glorious to act in the same manner now, if our rights are equally invaded, and may be as successful. Therefore it becomes necessary to enquire, whether "our rights are invaded." To talk of "defending" them, as if they could be no otherwise "defended" than by arms, is as much out of the way, as if a man having a choice of several roads to reach his journey's end, should prefer the worst, for no other reason than because it is the worst.

As to "riots and tumults," the gentlemen who are so apprehensive of them, are much mistaken, if they think that grievances cannot be redressed without such assistance.

I will now tell the gentlemen what is "the meaning of these letters." The meaning of them is to convince the people of these colonies, that they are at this moment exposed to the most imminent dangers; and to persuade them immediately, vigorously, and unanimously, to exert themselves, in the most firm, but most peaceable manner, for obtaining relief.

The cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult. It ought to be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature. Those who engaged in it should breathe a sedate yet fervent spirit, animating them to actions of prudence, justice, modesty, bravery, humanity, and magnanimity.

To such a wonderful degree were the ancient Spartans, as brave and as free a people as ever existed, inspired by this happy temperature of soul, that rejecting even in their battles the use

consists in the prevention of the oppressors' reaping advantage from their oppressions, and not in their punishment. For experience may teach what reason did not; and harsh methods cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.

If at length it becomes undoubted, that inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say, generally, that it never can be justifiable until the people are fully convinced that any further submission will be destructive to their happiness.

of trumpets, and other instruments for exciting heat and rage, they marched up to scenes of havock and horror with the sound of flutes, to the tunes of which their steps kept pace-"exhibiting," as Plutarch says, "at once a terrible and delightful sight, and proceeding with a deliberate valour, full of hope and good assurance, as if some divinity had insensibly assisted them." 10 I hope, my dear countrymen, that you will, in every colony, be upon your guard against those who may at any time endeavour to stir you up, under pretense of patriotism, to any measures disrespectful to our Sovereign and our mother country. Hot, rash, disorderly proceedings injure the reputation of a people as to wisdom, valour and virtue, without procuring them the 20 least benefit. I pray God that he may be pleased to inspire you and your posterity to the latest ages with that spirit, of which I have an idea, but find a difficulty to express. To express in the best manner I can, I mean a spirit that shall so guide you, that it will be impossible to determine whether an American's character is most distinguishable for his loyalty to his Sov- 30 it remains to be added, and ought forereign, his duty to his mother country, his love of freedom, or his affection. for his native soil.

Every government, at some time or other, falls into wrong measures; these may proceed from mistake or passion. But every such measure does not dissolve the obligation between the governors and the governed; the mistake may be corrected; the passion may 40 pass over.

It is the duty of the governed to endeavour to rectify the mistake and appease the passion. They have not at first any other right than to represent their grievances and to pray for redress, unless an emergency is so pressing as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications, which rarely happens. If their applications 50 are disregarded, then that kind of opposition becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public peace. This

When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable it is that the punishment will exceed the offence; and the calamities attending on war outweigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence will always have great influence with good and wise men.

To these reflections on this subject

ever to be remembered, that resistance in the case of colonies against their mother country is extremely different from the resistance of a people against their prince. A nation may change their king or race of kings, and retaining their ancient form of government, be gainers by changing. Thus Great Britain, under the illustrious house of Brunswick, a house that seems to flourish for the happiness of mankind, has found a felicity unknown in the reigns of the Stuarts. But if once we are separated from our mother country, what new form of government. shall we accept, or when shall we find another Britain to supply our loss? Torn from the body to which we are united by religion, liberty, laws, affections, relations, language, and commerce, we must bleed at every vein.

In truth, the prosperity of these provinces is founded in their dependence on Great Britain; and when she