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"Profit by this intimation to contradict the falsehood promulgated to the prejudice of public order, and satisfy every one that it is the interest of all the powers to sustain the liberty and independence of the supreme Pontiff for the peace of Europe.

"With sentiments of distinguished esteem, I subscribe myself, most reverend and illustrious sir, your most affectionate servant,

"G. CARDINAL ANTONELLI. "Portici, September 8, 1849."

The original of this letter is found in the documents referred to previously, vol. i. p. 54. The Chambers, which had been convened by the Constitution granted to Rome at the accession of Pius IX, were dissolved by proclamation December 7, 1848. On the 18th of February, 1849, Cardinal Antonelli addressed to foreign courts a letter granting an amnesty for political offences, instituting the Council of Ministers and the Council of State, and according from the imperious force of circumstances the institution of the civil guard, and a new law for a decent liberty of the press. The Pope, in an allocation delivered on the day that the French besieged Rome, had boasted of his liberality in granting a constitution to Rome; yet on the 12th of September, 1849, by motu proprio, it was abolished, and the Court established itself henceforth upon French bayonets and broken faith; even the amnesty, spacious as it was, excluded whole classes from participation. Every member of the Provisional Government, of the Triumvirate, of the Republican Government, all the chiefs of the military corps, all who had ever come under any existing penal law, were excluded from mercy. All who had been troublesome were included in the fell swoop of condemnation. A struggle began between the oppressed people and the government. Every pretext for inflicting punishment was eagerly seized. The following item of intelligence is given in the Giornale di Roma, June 13, 1851:

"Maria Biajgi, of the city of Castello, having been convicted upon the testimony of sworn witnesses of having insulted peaceful smokers, has been con

demned to receive twenty strokes of the lash. According to the existing law of the disturbers of public order, she has suffered the penalty at Perugia on the 9th instant."

At this time the people had refused to consume tobacco which yielded large revenues to the government. By a decree dated July 30, 1855, Cardinal Antonelli caused the lash and the cudgel to be inflicted for all offences on men, women, and boys. On the 9th of February, 1851, a Roman named Dreosti and a Frenchwoman named Clarisse burned Bengal lights in the Italian tricolor, green, white, and red, on the Pincian hill. They were sentenced to twen ty years in chains at the galleys. The French Government interfered on behalf of Clarisse, and she was exiled. On February 17, 1852, four men were condemned for the same offence, one to two years, one to the galleys for life, and the others, one to five years and the other to twenty. The Inquisition established a secret court, holding in surveillance all persons employed in Church and State, the army and the national guard. The accused person never knew the charge, witnesses, judge, or proceedings. On a certain day he received an order of dismissal, or was put in prison. From the records of this Council of Censure, as it was called (Documenti, vol. ii. p. 597–600), we get a few significant details. Men are sentenced for lecity; "for not feeling properly on political matters; " "for having the appearance of one rather inclined to novelties;" "for being imprudently talkative; 19 "because he read the papers with a high voice, digressing sometimes, and altering his voice when he read any thing blackening the Pontifical government and the priests, and he ridiculed the King of Naples and Catholic sovereigns;" and lastly, "because he will never be good stuff to cut an employé out of."

The financial straits of the government caused Monsignor Galli to coin three millions of bronze scudi, with fictitious value, in fact the value of real silver, and ordained that fourteen month

ly payments of taxes should take place each year. The blight on grapes from the aphides produced great trouble and scarcity around Rome in 1862; and further to add to the painful visitation of Providence, Cardinal Antonelli ordered that the landowners should pay three hundred and fifty thousand scudi, "to compensate the government for the loss of the tax on vintages." Previous

to this, in 1855, Cardinal Barberini declared that "all grapes, corn, and other produce given to parish priests and canons as tithes shall be exempt from taxes, to preserve the rights and privileges of the Church." From possessing nothing in 1814, the Church had grown rapidly wealthy, and her revenue in 1860 was thirty millions scudi. Out of a population of one hundred and seventy thousand there are thirteen thousand priests who pay no taxes, and are the devourers of the greater part of the wealth produced by the people.

The position of the French in Rome had been an aggravation of other abuses. They were regarded as intruders, destroyers of national liberty. The of ficers regretted their position, and sympathized far more with the people than with the government. They are contemptuous to the clergy, and speak of them with derision as locusts. But the voluntary annexation of the marches to Piedmont under the title of the kingdom of Italy brought about a discussion respecting Rome. It was finally agreed that the French troops should vacate the Papal states in September, 1864. The feeling of the French was that an immediate insurrection would ensue. The Pontifical government augmented its troops and means of defence. The corps of Zouaves was organized from volunteers of every nationality, animated with a fiery vindictiveness worthy of crusaders. There was to be no intervention on the part of Italy.

The Romans were to fight their own battles, and decide their own government. The Secret Committee had arranged for a plebiscitum to take place simultaneously in all parts of the Papal states. At given day and hour the

tricolor would have been hoisted, and the people would have demanded the right incidentally, if not directly conceded to them by the Convention of September. In the weak condition of the patriots, and in order to give no shadow of a pretext for the return of the French, it had been solemnly agreed by the popular representatives to avoid open demonstrations of hostility.

Five days, however, before these arrangements were completed, information was received that General Garibaldi had become disgusted with Mazzini and the Moderates, and contemplated an immediate rising. Three of the most influential members of the Secret Committee at once repaired to him at Asinalunga. He was put in possession of their plans, and shown that his hope that a declaration of war would, as in 1848, attract all the malcontents to his standard, was a hopeless fallacy. The General, however, is a man of one idea, and when it thoroughly takes possession of his mind, it is impossible to shake his obstinacy. He, like the Pope, refuses to reason, and believes no one can be right but himself. He mistook the personal esteem evinced for himself for a demonstration of adhesion to his principles. Then occurred the rupture between the Secret Committee and the illustrious soldier, entirely brought about by his vehement denunciation of their supposed cowardice, and a determination to involve the people in blood. One of them said, on leaving him, more in sorrow than in anger,

"You are fast becoming a greater foe to Italy than the papalini."

His words were prophetic.

Four days later, September 5, 1867, the Italian Ministry were informed of the contemplated rising, and Ralazzi ordered, on his own responsibility, the arrest of Garibaldi. The General always believed, and probably still believes, that he had been secretly denounced by the Moderates. This is a mean and unworthy suspicion. Not a single man on the Secret Committee but has suffered as much, and done as much, for the cause of Italian unity as

Garibaldi himself. I have accurate information, that the Italian Government received their warning from the French Minister at Rome, for a special messenger with despatches for Count Ralazzi arrived only two hours before the order of arrest was issued. The General was informed that if he would return to Caprera, he would be set free. This he consented to do. Meanwhile the parishpriest of Asinalunga, an ardent actionist, had preached an inflammatory sermon on the text, "Samson went and caught three hundred foxes, and took firebrands, and turned tail to tail, and put a firebrand in the midst between two tails; and when he had set the brands on fire, he let them go into the standing corn of the Philistines." In the sermon the papalini were compared to the Philistines and Garibaldi to Samson. So that it was perfectly easy for an observer to detect the secret tactics of the Party of Action by the injudicious sallies of their adherents. Nevertheless, although Italian men-of-war guarded Garibaldi, he succeeded in leaving Caprera, and inflicting in hot and blinding fury the most serious wound to Italian freedom yet inflicted. If Napoleon, whom he so unsparingly denounces, was to blame for the vote of April, 1849, Garibaldi is far more to blame for the frightful results of his illadvised insurrection, which more effectually riveted the chain. Italy was on the eve of casting it off, we believe forever. Garibaldi left Caprera October 15, 1867, and on the 3d of November the battle of Montana was fought. The fifteen hundred men he commanded were almost boys, few being over twenty. Poor fellows! they gave their blood generously, intoxicated by the chimeras of their leader. But the Pontifical troops numbered eight thousand and the French four thousand. A chivalrous resolve to stand by the misguided General even in what was too evidently to all but himself a forlorn hope, induced large numbers of Italians to join him, and his band increased to four thousand seven hundred. Certainly no apologist can excuse the wanton

sacrilege committed by his men. Admitting that the Church has betrayed her trust, and become a cruel tyrant instead of a nursing mother, the wanton desecration of her most holy things cannot but damage those who do it. I could not have believed the following, had not Ricciotti Garibaldi recorded it:

"The church at Monte Rotonde was a large and handsome one ... and presented a sad scene of devastation. The holy water stoups had been dashed in pieces, the font destroyed, the side chapel in which the Host was reserved had its altar all broken by bayonets. The Host had been carried on the point of one, and borne in mock procession, attended by a man holding the sacristan's large three-cornered hat stuck round with candles."

Garibaldi estimates the number of arrests caused by his desperate act at ten thousand, which is no exaggeration. This alone might show how wrong he was. But this was not all. The French, reënforced again, held St. Angelo and the leading posts at Rome. To supply chassepots and other weapons, and to pay his soldiers, Cardinal Antonelli has increased taxation tenfold. Nothing but their withdrawal can afford an opportunity to Rome. But this last event is by no means improbable. Although the Premier has an inveterate foe in Monsignor de Merode, Private Almoner to His Holiness and possessing his confidence, the latter is by no means friendly to the French. Since the day that General Goyon told him to "consider himself caned," he has been resentful. The understanding between the Vatican and the Tuileries has never been cordial. The Pope suspects the Emperor of fostering Gallicanism, and frequently compares the conduct of Napoleon I to Pius VII with that of his nephew toward himself. "Both," he has said, "tried to dictate the conduct of the Holy See." The French officers are heartily disgusted at their continuance in Rome. A commandant on the General's staff said to me, "We are only a species of jailor."

The late action of Count Darn may very probably precipitate matters. The

very fact that France opposes the declaration of Infallibility will only make the Vatican more determined in its course. The reply of Cardinal Antonelli was to the effect that his whole experience forbids the Pope to return to the policy which he pursued in the first years of his reign, and which was used by the Revolution as an instrument to overthrow the Pontifical throne; that a liberal policy had always produced deplorable consequences, as was seen in the present condition of other countries. Concessions never bring an element of force to governments, but, on the contrary, always weaken the hands of authority, and open the way to revolution and anarchy. For the Pope to give reforms would, in fact, be for him to give arms to his enemies against himself; and the agitation which has followed a system of government in Spain and Austria and in France itself offers a sufficient warning against such a course. No political reforms are possible till the Holy See is repossessed of its lost provinces, and an end is put to the dream of Italian unity. Then it may be practicable to devise some mezzo termine, which will enable the Pontifical Government to follow the counsels of France, without laying itself open to the attacks of the Italian revolutionists, or endangering those governments which shall succeed the Italian monarchy.

So far the Civitta Cattolico of February 23, 1870, is reporting the official reply to Count Darn. The Cardinal is open and candid, but he does not see the inexorable logic of Count Darn's argument. Evil governments, based on exactions, oppressive and intolerant, must inevitably produce a reaction. This the Cardinal anticipates in the case of the Italian monarchy. He intimates that the dispossessed princes may "succeed the Italian monarchy." This could only be by a revolution. Now, despite all the mistakes of the Ministry since the days of Cavour, the people are wise enough to estimate the mighty difficulties, the growth of ages, against which they have had to contend. As far as its impoverished exchequer per

mits, the Italian Government fosters all manner of reforms. It is only where the people still feel the evils brought about by their ex-tyrants, that there is any discontent. The restoration of the lost states Cardinal Antonelli knows, as well as any man, is impossible. Nations. are coming to recognize the great fact in political economy, that the people have an inherent right to govern themselves. The inhabitants of the ex-Papal states voluntarily chose Italy instead of Rome.

The French Government shrewdly discerns that the Infallibility practically destroys Episcopal jurisdiction-that one voice will rule and sway every believing Romanist. The aggressive spirit of the Papacy is more developed now than at any previous time. With such a weapon, Rome, the declared foe of free governments and personal liberty, becomes a most dangerous antagonist. If, as so many thousands of Romans devoutly hope, France will withdraw her troops, the Secret Committee will again seek to carry out the peaceable revolution contemplated in 1867. Foreign powers will be called on not to interfere between the Pope and his subjects. All that these latter demand is a free plebiscitum. This was allowed to Venice and all the other states of Italy. Fortunately, Spain is no longer the docile ally of Rome; and, as far as we can see, no power would be willing to coerce the Romans in favor of moribund despotism. Then the programme of Cavour and d'Andrea will be carried out. The Pope will cease to have any temporal jurisdiction. He will become Bishop of Rome, and Patriarch of the Roman Catholic Church, with possession of the Vatican as a residence, and with St. Peter's as his cathedral church. The seat of government will be probably trans.erred to Rome.* The religious orders would be disendowed and abolished. Priests would be allowed to marry. Thus reformed, what might not Rome become in the history of Europe? Her Campagna might become a smiling

This was in type before the French-Prussian war began.

garden under the hands of the agriculturist. Her artistic children might vie with their ancestors in supplying the world with gems of art. And, above all, religion would be spared the scan

dal of being, as she is now, the ally of a rule that has worse features than the slavery which America expended priceless millions of lives to obliterate from her soil.


LITTLE Lota Page was to be a missionary. Every body said so—the every bodies of her little world, her adopted mother, Mrs. Sawyer; Uncle Hardman, who controlled the household; the teacher of the school she attended; the fathers and mothers of half the girls; last of all Lota herself, who from long iteration of the idea had come to receive it as a fiat of Fate, from which there was no escaping, and which it was sinful even to wish to escape. And yet the round, dimpled, sparkling thing was as little like the stuff of which missionaries are generally made as any thing that can be imagined.

Missionary work held Lota by a double claim; it was a birthright and a vocation, that is, as far as other people can "vocate" for a girl. Both parents had died in the service; one of jungle-fever, the other on his way home to America with his child. His ocean-grave, her mother's quiet resting-place under the palm-trees, were alike unreal and vague to Lota's mind. She could never visit either with flowers and tender thoughts as other orphans do; and of the brief two years' motherhood nothing seemed left but the baby nickname with which that mother had softened the ugly baptismal "Charlotte."

This poor little keepsake she clung to. Uncle Hardman denounced it as an unworthy appendage to a "missionary child," and wanted his niece to change it; but, grieving and sobbing, the little girl so stamped her small foot, clenched her slight fingers, so vehemently again. and again protested with floods of tears, "No! no! not Charlotte; Lota! Lota!" that at last they ceased to oppose her. Lota she remained, except upon occasions of the most gloomy im

portance, when the detested title reappeared, and, like a Mother Cary's chicken, gave token of the coming of a storm.

"A missionary's child," that was what she was; not merely a child in the ordinary sense of the word, a thing to be loved, disciplined, taught, prayed for, rejoiced over; but a special charge, a thing set apart and presided over by a band of grim though angelic guardians, who would be quick to remark any shortcomings in her training. Rich and lonely, Mrs. Sawyer had been desirous years ago to adopt a little girl; and when the ship "Cato" arrived from Bombay with the orphan-daughter of the Reverend Mr. Page on board, and the newspapers made known the melancholy particulars of his death and burial at sea, she felt this was the very chance she had been looking for. Duty and inclination never clasped hands more pleasingly. Highly respectable and well known to members of the Board, there was no difficulty in getting possession of the little waif whom no one else appeared to claim; and at three years of age baby Lota was duly established in the nursery prepared for her reception in the third story, and adorned with framed testimonials of membership in various benevolent societies, pictures of missionary ships and stations, the graves of Mrs. Judson and Henry Martyn, and other appropriate devices. A neat bookcase contained a select library of memoirs and records, its top surmounted by a model of "The Morning Star," and on the chimney-piece there grinned a couple of huge ebony idols of the most portentous ugliness.

In this home the little one grew and throve. Her education was conducted after a severe and rigid system, from

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