came from the opposite side, say from the Government at Le Havre, we should not refuse to discuss it even though the discussion would naturally have at first a non-obligatory character (Very correct). For the present, however, it does not look as if the aforementioned suggestion of the English member of Parliament had any prospect of assuming tangible form, and therefore I must adhere to the previous method of the dialogue over the channel and the ocean.

While I am preparing for this, I gladly admit that the message of President Wilson of the 11th instant perhaps represents a slight step toward a mutual understanding. I will therefore pass over the lengthy preliminary remarks in order as far as possible to devote myself to the four principles which, in the opinion of Mr. Wilson, must be observed in a mutual exchange of opinions.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S FOUR PRINCIPLES

I.—The first paragraph states that each part of the final agreement must be essentially built up on justice in the case in point and based on such a compromise as shall afford the greatest likelihood of bringing about a lasting peace. We should like here to contradict1 (Very correct! hilarity). The aphorism coined by the great church father Augustine 1,500 years ago: justitia fundamentum regnorum (justice is the foundation of kingdoms), still applies to-day, and it is certain that only a peace borne up in all its parts by the principles of justice has prospects of enduring.

II. The second paragraph demands that peoples and provinces should not be shoved about from one national sovereignty to another as if it were merely a question of objects or counters in a game, even if this is now discredited for all time in the great game of the equilibrium of forces. These clauses can also be unconditionally agreed to. Indeed one wonders why the President of the United States considered it necessary to emphasize it again. The paragraph embodies a polemic against conditions and views which disappeared long ago, against cabinet politics and cabinet wars, and against the mixture of government domain and royal appanage, all of which belongs to an epoch far past. I do not wish to be impolite, but if one recalls previous utterances of Wilson, one might believe him to be laboring under the delusion that there exists in Germany an opposition between the (remaining?) autocratic government and the legitimate (?) mass of the people, and nevertheless the President of the United States, at least according to the German edition of his book on the State, is acquainted with German political literature and accordingly knows that in

The Associated Press rendering is: Who would contradict this?

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Germany princes and rulers are the highest members of the body of the people as a whole organized into a State, being supreme members with whom the final decision rests, but in such a way that, for the reason that they belong to the whole body (even though as supreme organs), their only guide in reaching a proper decision is the welfare of the whole body. It may be useful to impress this emphatically upon Wilson's countrymen.

When, finally, at the end of the second paragraph, he declares "the game of the balance of power" to be forever discredited we can but greet this with joy also. It is known that it was England that invented the principle of the preservation of the balance of power (Very correct!), in order to enforce it specially when one of the Nations on the European Continent threatened to become too powerful for her. It was only another expression for the sovereignty of England (Very correct).

III.-The third paragraph, according to which every solution of a question of territory raised by this war should be reached in the interest and in favor of the population concerned and not as a part of a special compromise of the claims of rival nations, is only the carrying out of what precedes in a certain direction, or rather a logical consequence therefrom, and may therefore be embraced within the consent given to it.

IV.-Finally comes the fourth paragraph, in which he demands that all clearly defined national claims should be given the greatest possible satisfaction that they can receive without engendering new or perpetuating old factors of antagonism which would be likely soon to disturb the peace of Europe and accordingly that of the whole world. To this I can also assent on general principles, and I therefore declare with President Wilson that a general peace may be discussed on such basic principles (Bravo!).

CONDITIONS OF ACCEPTANCE

Only one reservation must be made. These principles would not only have to be proposed by the President of the United States but to be actually recognized by all nations and peoples (Very correct). Mr. Wilson, who accuses the German Imperial Chancellor of a certain amount of delinquency, seems to me, in his flight of fancy, to have gone far beyond the actual conditions of a union of nations based on justice and mutual unselfish recognition of all nations for the preservation of peace [by?] a court of arbitration established in the name of justice. There would be built up a condition of humanity in which, with all remnants of previous barbarism, war would have completely disappeared and there would be no more bloody victims, no self-mutilation of peoples, no destruction of laboriously acquired works of civilization. This were a consummation devoutly to be

desired but this aim has not yet been attained and no prospect of it exists (Lively applause). When Mr. Wilson takes occasion to say that the Imperial Chancellor speaks to the tribunal of the whole world, I must, as matters stand to-day, in the name of the German empire and its allies, decline this tribunal as prejudiced, however gladly I should welcome the existence of an impartial court of arbitration and however willingly I should co-operate in bringing about such an ideal condition.

Unfortunately, however, nothing can be discovered of a similar sentiment among the leading powers of the Entente (Very correct). The war aims of England, as they have been manifested recently in the speeches of Lloyd George, are still of an absolutely imperialistic nature and would impose upon the world a peace to England's liking. When England speaks of the right of self-determination of peoples, she does not think of applying the principle to Ireland or Egypt or India (Very correct!).

GERMAN WAR AIMS IN RUSSIA

Our war aim has from the beginning been the defense of our native country, the maintenance of our territorial integrity and the freedom of our economic development in every direction (Very correct). Warfare, even where it must be conducted aggressively, is according to its aim defensive. I emphasize this just now with special stress in order not to allow any misunderstanding to arise regarding our operations in the east. After the breaking off of the peace negotiations on the part of the Russian delegation on the 10th of this month, we had a free hand toward Russia. The advance of our troops begun a week after that breaking off of negotiations, was solely for the purpose of assuring us the fruits of the peace conIcluded with Ukraine. Aims of conquest played no rôle in the matter. We were supported therein by the cry for help from Ukraine, asking us to support them in the organization of their new state against the disturbances fomented by the Bolsheviki.'

The appeal referred to reads:

"To the German people. On February 9 this year we signed, in the deep and ardent desire to live in peace and friendship with our neighbors, a peace treaty with the States of the Quadruple Alliance in order to put an end to this useless and fratricidal war, and we united all our strength to one end, namely, to establish and insure the life of our own independent State.

"The joyful news of February 9, however, for which the working masses of our people so greatly longed, has brought us no peace in our land. The enemy of our freedom has invaded our country for the purpose once more, as 254 years ago, to subjugate the Ukrainian people with fire and sword. The Russian Maximalists, who, a month ago, dispersed the All-Russian Constitutional Assembly in Petrograd, consisting almost solely of Socialists, have now undertaken, as they call it, a holy war against the Socialists of the Ukraine.

"From the north, hired bands of Red Guards are falling upon our country. They unite themselves with Russian soldiers who have deserted from the front, and with liberated jail birds. Under the experienced command of former police gendarmes, they force their way into our towns; have our public men and leaders of public opinion shot; they levy contributions from the inhabitants; and after destroying and burning our towns they pass on, seeking new booty.

"This barbaric invasion of our northern neighbors once again, under hypocritical pretexts, sets up as its aim, as earlier in our history, the destruction of the independence of our State. Its real

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If other military operations in other regions were connected with these, the same may be said of them. They are not pursued for purposes of conquest in any degree (Bravo!). They are undertaken solely at the urgent requests and representations of the populations that they be protected against the atrocities and devastations of the Red Guard and other bands. They were therefore measures undertaken in the name of humanity for the purpose of giving aid, and have no other character. It is a question of creating peace and order in behalf of the peaceful population. We do not intend for instance to establish ourselves in Esthonia or Livonia (Hear! Hear! on the left), but merely entertain the desire to live after the war on friendly neighborly terms with the political organizations which we find there (Bravo!-left). Regarding Courland and Lithuania I need say nothing to-day. It is a question of furnishing to the populations of those countries organs for their self-determination and self-administration, or to strengthen those already being built up (Very correct!). We look with calmness toward their further development.

However, the military action in the east has accomplished a result which far surpasses the aims originally pursued and just characterized by me. One is already known to the gentlemen from the communications given out by the secretary of state for foreign affairs, to the effect that Mr. Trotsky has declared his willingness, in a statement which was soon followed by a written confirmation, to resume the interrupted peace negotiations. On our part we immediately answered by transmitting our peace conditions in the form of an ultimatum. Yesterday (and this is the highly gratifying communication which I have to make to you, gentlemen) the news was received that the St. Petersburg Government had accepted our peace terms (Hear! Hear! and lively applause) and has sent representatives for further

and ultimate objects lie, however, in the ignoble intentions and machinations of those who have an interest in seeing anarchy reign in the Ukraine, as also of those who are striving after the return of the old despotism.

"Before the whole world we declare that the Petrograd Commissioners of the People lie when they talk about a rising of the people in the Ukraine, and that they lie when they describe the Central Rada, the Parliament of the Ukrainian People's Republic, which consists of Ukrainian Socialists and has carried out far-reaching social-democratic reforms, as a Rada of bourgeois.

"The Petrograd Commissioners, who with words only have stubbornly defended the weal of the Ukraine, Poland, Courland and other peoples, have made use of a fine pose at Brest-Litovsk to recall from the front the remnants of the Russian army for the purpose of secretly throwing them against the Ukraine to rob us, to send our stocks of corn to the north, and to subjugate the country.

"Now, when, after four years, the rigid wall has fallen which separated us from our western neighbors, we raise our voice to proclaim the misfortune of our people. We must see the fruits of our own young Revolution in danger, and we fear for our newly-won freedom. Sanguinary collisions with Russian bands take place daily. In Volhynia and at other points we are collecting new forces to oppose the swarms who are ever anew pressing in from the north.

In this hard struggle for our existence we look round for help. We are firmly convinced that the peaceful and order-loving German people will not remain indifferent when it learns of our distress. The German army, that stands on the flank of our northern enemy, possesses the power to help us, and, by its intervention, to protect the northern frontiers against further invasion by the enemy. This is what we have to say in this dark hour, and we know that our voice will be heard." -(Reuter dispatch, London Times, February 19, 1918, page 6.)

negotiations to Brest-Litovsk. Accordingly the German delegates proceeded thither yesterday evening. It is possible that there may still be some dispute as to details, but the main point has been attained. The desire for peace on the part of Russia has been expressly manifested, our terms have been accepted, and the conclusion of peace must follow within a brief space of time.

Perhaps never before in history has Aristotle's saying that we must decide for war for the sake of peace received so brilliant a confirmation (Very correct). For the sake of insuring the fruits of our peace with Ukraine our army leaders drew the sword. The peace with Russia will be the happy result (hearty applause). We will not allow our joy over this to be marred by the foolish and inflammatory wireless reports which are circulated throughout the world again and again.

RUMANIAN NEGOTIATIONS AND PEACE WITH POLAND

Peace negotiations with Rumania began yesterday in Bukharest in the presence of the secretary of state for foreign affairs. It seemed necessary that he should be present there during the first few days of organization. He will now probably soon proceed to Brest-Litovsk. In the negotiations with Rumania we must remember that we are not alone concerned in them and that we are under obligations to defend the just interests of our faithful allies, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey, and to seek to reconcile any conflicting desires. This may possibly involve difficulties, but with good will on all sides these difficulties can be overcome. However, even with respect to Rumania we must be guided by the principle that we must and wish to make future friends of the nations with which we are now concluding peace on the basis of the success of our arms.

If I may in this connection say a word about Poland, in which the Entente and also Mr. Wilson seemed recently to be specially interested, this country has, as is known, been freed by the united powers of Germany and AustriaHungary from its former dependency upon Imperial Russia, with the intention of creating an independent state which shall, in the unhindered development of its national culture, at the same time become a pillar in the peace of Europe. The political problem in a narrower sense, the question as to what constitution the new state should receive, could naturally not be decided immediately and is still the subject of careful and detailed consideration on the part of the three countries concerned. To the many difficulties which have to be overcome in this connection (particularly economic difficulties) has been added a new one, arising from the collapse of the old Russia, consisting of the definition of the boundary between the