author keeps on solid ground for, no matter what the troubles may be, "divorce is a remedy and not the disease." Prohibition of divorce then would bring no relief. "It is a very low moral sentiment which tolerates modern wife-purchase or husband-purchase for bread, title, or social position-here is a real menace to society." The remedy for this is education not statutes. "In the future educational programme sex questions must hold an honorable place . . . Domestic animals are literally better bred than human beings. . . Here the State has a function to perform. In the future much more than now, let us hope, the marriage of persons mentally delinquent or tainted by hereditary disease or crime will be legally restrained ... Marriage will in truth be holy if it rests on the free troth-plight of equals whose love is deep enough to embrace a rational regard for the rights of posterity . . . The family will, indeed, survive; but it will be a family of a higher type. Its evolution is not yet complete."

No social student, preacher, legislator, can afford to neglect this important work.

University of Pennsylvania.

CARL KELSEY.

The Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, with elucidations by Thomas Carlyle, edited by S. C. Lomas, with an introduction by C. H. Firth. 3 vols. London: Methuen & Co. 1904.

This excellent edition bears on its title page three names which need no introduction. Next to Napoleon, Cromwell has been the popular theme of the historian of the last decade, while Carlyle has had almost as great a vogue. Mr. Firth has only recently been appointed as Regius Professor of History at Oxford, and certainly no one is so well qualified to write on Cromwell.

It was one of Carlyle's early projects to write a book upon Cromwell's times, but he could never get sufficiently into the subject. In his sixth lecture on "Heroes and Hero-Worship," however, he first presented his view of the great Puritan leader, giving him his due place in history. Until then, as Carlyle himself wrote, "One Puritan, and almost he alone, our poor Cromwell, seems to hang yet on the gibbet and find no hearty apologist anywhere." In 1845 he made a second step towards the fulfillment of his original purpose in the publication of the "Letters and Speeches," and "few historical works have attained more immediate success;" three editions were called for in five years.

From the historical standpoint Carlyle's work is extremely fragmentary and incomplete. It is a commentary in Carlyle's characteristic manner on the letters and speeches of Cromwell, and as might be expected the editing is much too subjective in character to be reliable. Painstaking in certain respects, Carlyle was much too arbitrary an editor; besides supplying missing words, breaking up long sentences and freely punctuating, he "modernized the speeches too much, allowed himself too great license in the way of emendation," and, as is well known, freely interpolated his own comments into the text. This is particularly true of the speeches, in the editing of which Carlyle was completely carried away by his imagination. The letters he left more nearly as he found them, though even here the arbitrary changes are numerous. They did not appeal so strongly to his imagination and his lack of critical acumen occasionally misled him into intro

ducing letters manifestly spurious, as for example, the eighteenth century forgery of a letter by Cromwell to Thurloe, (No. 200), and the famous "Squire Papers."

In the present edition Carlyle's work is subjected to a critical revision, but the spirit of the revision by Mrs. Lomas is sympathetic rather than iconoclastic. The text is carefully compared with the original manuscripts and corrected where necessary. This in itself makes the new edition of great value to the historian and student, for in the original work there are introduced not only the errors resulting from Carlyle's peculiar methods as an editor, but also those that arise from the fact that he very frequently did not have the original manuscripts, they being either inaccessible or not known in his day. Additional notes by the present editor are given in square brackets and are confined mainly to matters of fact. The letters are revised and the correct text given; in the speeches, on the other hand, Carlyle's text is retained, except where it is manifestly wrong. This deference to Carlyle in the editing of the speeches Mrs. Lomas explains by the fact that they represent not what Cromwell actually said, but what he is reported to have said, and it would be impossible to get Cromwell's exact words. The only general change made in the speeches is the restoration of the seventeenth century phraseology of the originals which Carlyle modernized throughout.

The edition contains some one hundred and forty-five letters not included by Carlyle, besides speeches and other documents. The most important of these new letters are those to Robert Hammond, found by the late Dr. Gardiner, while the twenty additional speeches are those of the Army Councils of 1647, discovered by Mr. Firth. The excellent work of Mrs. Lomas has been ably seconded by the bookmaker's art and the edition is as attractive in form as it is interesting and scholarly in matter. The index appears in the third volume and is unusually well done. W. E. LINGELBACH.

University of Pennsylvania.

The United States and Porto Rico. By L. S. RowE, Ph.D. Pp. xiv, 271. Price, $1.30. Longmans, Green & Co. 1904.

It is a surprising circumstance that in the four years which have elapsed since the unanticipated events of the war with Spain forced the United States upon a quasi-colonial career, there has been scant and inadequate recital of the course of events during that period. We have been largely dependent upon the excessive detail of government reports on the one hand and upon the superficial dicta of journalistic narrative on the other hand for acquaintance with the essential features of the politico-economic reorganization effected by the American administration in Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines, respectively.

This has meant loss both to the student and to the publicist. The entire history of colonial administration probably presents no more instructive lesson than the succession of military, provisional and civil government in Porto Rico. It is of vital importance at the present moment to determine the relative efficiency of Spanish, American and Cuban administration in Cuba. Manifestly we are in no position to pass upon the propriety of a large measure of independence

for the Philippine archipelago until the success or failure of the degree of autonomy now actually enjoyed there in municipal and provincial affairs has been accurately appraised.

It is a matter of congratulation that Professor Rowe, whose experience, as a member of both the Federal and the insular Porto Rican Code Commissions, renders him exceptionally qualified to speak, has undertaken to discuss the problems arising out of our contact with Spanish-American civilization in Porto Rico. In an attractive little volume of some two hundred and sixty pages he has described with clearness and interpreted with ability some of the remarkable episodes of that experience. The student-reader will put aside the volume with profound regret that the author has not been persuaded to give us a comprehensive history instead of a narrative sketch. Such a more ambitious plan would have relieved the difficulties arising from the attempt to consider within limited compass, both the actual experience of Porto Rico in its civic reorganization and the larger problems presented to the United States by the political developments of the War with Spain and their judicial interpretation.

Certain of Professor Rowe's chapters, as for example those upon "The Insular Decisions," "The People of Porto Rico," "Financial Reorganization" are adequate summaries of more or less familiar incidents. But in other places, as in tracing the history of the native political parties of the Island, in discussing the propriety of an insular civil service system, in commenting upon the experience of the jury system in the Island, he has placed before us in inviting form valuable and heretofore inaccessible information.

Finally, it is not improper to note, as a tribute to the modesty of the author even though a defect of the volume, the omission of any reference to the important part which Professor Rowe himself played, as a member of two successive code Commissions, in the reorganization which he has so intelligently described. JACOB H. HOLLANDER.

Johns Hopkins University.

The Slav Invasion and the Mine Workers: A Study in Immigration. By FRANK JULIAN WARNE, Ph.D. Pp. 211. Price, $1.00. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. 1904.

It is only justice to the author of this study to state that it is beyond question the most interesting and suggestive investigation of the problem of immigration which has yet been published in the United States. There have been other studies in this field, but they have been mainly confined to a description of the invading nationalities and to speculation as to the best means of assimilating them into the American people. Dr. Warne, however, addresses himself to the real problem of immigration, which is the competition of the immigrant with the native born American.

The labor struggles in the anthracite field which terminated in a noteworthy victory for organized labor have been generally misunderstood. In the investigations which preceded the award of the arbitration tribunal, the representatives of the operators claimed, and supported their claims by a large amount of evidence, that the earnings of the miners in the anthracite fields

compared very favorably with the earnings in other occupations. They denounced the theory of the mine workers to better their condition as entirely unjustified by conditions and represented merely the tyranny of brute force. This view of the case has been quite generally accepted by the press. The mine workers succeeded and enjoy the fruits of their success, but there is a deep-seated conviction, especially among the members of the so-called capitalistic class, that they did not deserve to succeed and that the right in the controversy was with the operators. Without specifically attacking this popular belief, Dr. Warne in his discussion of the causes which led up to the strikes of 1900 and 1902 thoroughly demolishes what must be confessed in the light of this discussion to be baseless fallacy. He begins with a brief, though succinct account of the early struggles between the operators and the miners in the anthracite fields, showing how the formation of the labor unions during the period of high prices which followed the war forced the operators into violent antagonism, owing to the constant demand for higher wages, and finally resulted when the railroads entered the mining field in disintegration of these early labor organizations. Their downfall, as Dr. Warne shows, was brought about in part also by the lawlessness and violence of the Molly Maguires. For twenty-six years thereafter, until 1897, the anthracite labor was unorganized.

Labor conditions in the anthracite field, which had been satisfactory during this early period, beginning in the early seventies and following the decline in the price of coal and the increased competition among the coal companies grew steadily worse, the miners' pay being based on the price of coal, which steadily declined. At the same time, mining, owing to the exhaustion of the more easily worked deposits, became more difficult and expensive. If the original occupants of the anthracite fields had been left in possession of their employment, these hard conditions might have been met by an advance in wages, but about 1880, came the advance guard of the Slav invasion, which during the twenty years that followed brought into the anthracite region a vast army of workers from the southeast of Europe and which effectually prevented any improvement in the standard of living of the English-speaking miner. In 1880, the total number of English-speaking people in the three anthracite fields was 102,421, the total number of Slavs was 1925. Twenty years later the English-speaking population remained about stationary, at 100,269, while the Slavs had increased to 89,328. In other words, in 1880, the English-speaking races composed nearly 94 per cent. of the total foreign born population in the eight hard coal counties. By 1900 they had decreased to less than 52 per cent., while the Slav races had increased from 2 per cent. in 1880 to over 46 per cent. in 1900. The standard of living of these immigrants was extremely low. Dr. Warne shows that most of the immigrants are unmarried, that they are satisfied to live "in almost any kind of a place, to wear almost anything that would clothe their nakedness and to eat any kind of food that would keep body and soul together."

The wages on which the American could not support a decent existence represented riches to the Slav and the inevitable result was a gradual expulsion of the English-speaking miners from the Schuylkill and Lehigh districts.

In the northern field, however, Dr. Warne shows that the advance of the

Slav was fiercely resisted. In this section the mine workers generally owned their homes and their standard of living was high. They saw in the coming of the Slav either their expulsion or their descent to a Slav standard of living. Their resistance to these alien competitors took two forms. First, in 1889–97, they obtained from the Pennsylvania Legislature laws which required a considerable period of apprenticeship before a laborer could become a miner, making it necessary that an examination before a miners' examining board first be passed. To pass this examination, the Slav must learn English, and as few of them did this, the best paid occupation in the mines was kept to a large extent in the hands of the English-speaking miners. This, however, was only a halfway measure and in 1897, when the organizers of the United Mine Workers of America first entered the region, they received a hearty welcome from the Englishspeaking miners in the northern field and their work of organization was made surprisingly easy. The leaders of the English-speaking miners saw in this great organization which had just won a notable victory in the soft-coal fields the opportunity of raising the wages of the Slav mine worker to a level. This would at the same time increase their own earnings and lessen the danger that increasing Slav competition would depress their standard of living. In other words, the English-speaking miner determined since he could not exclude the Slav to raise his wages and improve his condition. Dr. Warne shows how this task was accomplished by the United Mine Workers in the two strikes of 1900 and 1902. The initiative in these contests came from the English-speaking miners in the northern field. It is well-known and these companies have frequently complained of the fact, that the employees of the Reading and Lehigh Valley were well satisfied with their condition; that they had no grievances against their employers, and that it was only with much difficulty in 1900 they were made to strike. Dr. Warne correctly interprets these great labor struggles as determined attempts of a superior race to lift up a mass of foreigners to their own plane. If the attempt was unsuccessful their own economic ruin was inevitable We note in final comment on this remarkable study that the author understands and clearly explains a function of trade-unionism, to which little attention has been given. Trade-unionism, in Dr. Warne's opinion, constitutes the only bond which will unite men of different races, religions and languages, in a common cause. The fellowship of the trades-union, with its ideal of brotherhood, has been largely effective, in the author's opinion, in the anthracite field to break down the barriers of race prejudice and race antagonism, which so seriously interfere with the assimilation of divers nationalities into a homogeneous people. It is not only in the anthracite region that this race problem is encountered; in every section of the country where immigration has gone the separation of nationalities constitutes a potent danger. If trade-unionism, as Dr. Warne claims, and it cannot be disputed that he thoroughly understands the organization and aims of the labor unions, can break down these barriers of separation, and co-operate with the common school, which is ceaselessly at work upon the younger generation, to convert the alien immigrant into an American citizen, all the manifold sins of omission and commission which can be laid at the door of organized labor can be forgiven. University of Pennsylvania.

EDWARD SHErwood Meade.